Beneath the Surface: Spontaneous Volunteering and Its Perceived Role in Shaping Community Resilience in National Defence

Socio-political Resources and Capacities

Kruse et al. (2017) conceptualize socio-political resources and capacities as encompassing a multitude of political, social, and power dynamics, including the accountability of government actors and diverse manifestations of social capital. This subdimension of community resilience is reflected in the interview data through the subcategory Civic Traditions and Defence Culture, which captures how deeply rooted cultural, institutional, and historical features contribute to collective attitudes, social capital, and civic engagement in the realm of national defence.

One of the most distinctive features emphasized by the interviewees is Finland’s exceptionally high level of willingness to defend the country and the widespread support for national defence, an attitude consistently reflected in national surveys (see the Advisory Board for Defence Information, 2024). As one interviewee articulated, “we need military equipment, tactics, and operational skills, but if our underlying spirit were not strong, we would be in a very different situation. That [willingness to defend the country] is an immense resource” (#4). At the same time, concerns were raised about how this strong civic commitment to national defence can be sustained in the future.

A second distinctive feature of Finland’s national defence, as identified by the interviewees, is its foundation in the conscription system. Both compulsory military service for men and voluntary service for women were perceived as providing valuable training and transferable skills for a variety of situations. In times of war, those who have completed conscript service – particularly individuals in the extended reserve or final deployment groups, meaning those not prioritized for immediate deployment but held in reserve for later mobilization – were viewed as potential spontaneous volunteers. One interviewed spontaneous volunteer reflected on the role of conscription, noting how firsthand experience in national defence may cultivate a sense of civic responsibility and readiness to support even foreign efforts, such as aiding Ukraine:

The Finnish national character is perceived to embody a strong tradition of collective action, reflected in a robust civil society. Interviewees particularly associated this with Finland’s well-developed third sector, which includes numerous established national defence organizations as well as talkootoiminta, a traditional form of community-based voluntary work where people join forces to complete shared tasks. At the same time, some interviewees observed a shift from communal engagement toward more individualized forms of participation, raising questions about how such changes might influence the future of volunteering. The Finnish Comprehensive Security Model was seen to support the integration of this vibrant civil society into national defence, exemplifying how responsibility for Finland’s security and defence is widely shared across society.

The historical context of Finland is also perceived as a key socio-political resource, particularly through the enduring collective memory of past wars that continues to shape national identity and civic commitment. One interviewee described this as a form of “social collective memory” (#3) that spans generations. Reflections on Finland’s status as a small nation, and its proximity and geopolitical relationship to Russia, were frequently linked to this memory. As one interviewee noted: “We are a nation committed to national defence. That is how we have been raised. We have always been here, right next to Russia” (#9).

The subcategory Civic Agency in Response to Institutional Limitations demonstrates how socio-political capacities manifest in the form of informal action and grassroots agency, particularly when trust in official structures is strained or when institutional rigidity limits formal participation. Those who had acted as spontaneous volunteers viewed their actions as addressing specific shortcomings in the official system, whether related to information ecosystems, humanitarian aid, or military logistics. As one such interviewee explained: “It is a straightforward question: was there a need for this kind of activity? There absolutely was. Who can help here? Well, we can. … We are filling a gap that just keeps getting bigger” (#10). In a similar vein, one interviewed official emphasized that the greatest benefit of spontaneous volunteering may lie in situations where a gap has emerged unnoticed by the authorities, allowing resources to be directed to the right place at the right time.

Moreover, the data suggest that spontaneous volunteering can serve as a concrete means for individuals to exercise agency by offering assistance in ways that align with their own preferences, particularly when formal channels are perceived as inaccessible or inadequate. As one spontaneous volunteer explained in the context of military logistics: “[The reason] why many are involved in what we do is that there is essentially no other way to accomplish this” (#11). Trust also emerged as a key socio-political dynamic in this context: when confidence in the official system – such as established humanitarian organizations – is low, individuals appear more inclined to act autonomously through informal volunteer efforts.

One catalyst for spontaneous volunteering observed in the data is the perception that the official system is too rigid, making informal volunteering appear as a more agile and responsive form of action. This view was particularly evident among the interviewed spontaneous volunteers, who highlighted the slowness and inflexibility of formal structures in contrast to the immediacy of spontaneous action, where, as one noted, “help can be provided right away. Now!” (#7). Tangibility and directness also mattered: spontaneous volunteers emphasized the importance of seeing the impact of their efforts and maintaining a personal connection with aid recipients. As one interviewee put it:

Although the perception of bureaucratic rigidity and volunteer agility was acknowledged by other interviewees as well, it was also emphasized that the official system’s structures serve a purpose in preventing excesses and ensuring control. Still, from the perspective of grassroots actors, these structures may indeed appear cumbersome. This dynamic illustrates how perceptions of institutional responsiveness can shape civic agency and the socio-political conditions under which community resilience emerges.

Human Resources and Capacities

Kruse et al. (2017) conceptualize human resources and capacities as individual-level assets – including health, education, skills, self-efficacy, and a sense of belonging – that contribute to a person’s ability to act in times of crisis and uncertainty. This subdimension of community resilience is reflected in the interview data through the subcategory Threat-Driven Civic Activation, which particularly highlights self-efficacy as a central human resource and capacity. The data indicate that various perceived threats acted as a key catalyst for spontaneous activation, thereby fostering individual agency. This dynamic was evident in the accounts of interviewees representing the official system and further reinforced by spontaneous volunteers, who described a compelling need to take action following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022. This moment was often experienced as one of heightened personal responsibility and urgency. The perceived threats were, in part, shaped by developments in the information environment, which allowed individuals to follow the war in real time. This direct exposure deepened their understanding of the realities of armed conflict, the shifting security landscape, and the potential for similar threats to affect Finland, all of which contributed to a sense of efficacy and the motivation to engage.

These threat perceptions were also contrasted with other types of risks, such as natural disasters. A key distinction noted in the interviews was that, in the context of national defence, the perceived threat stems not from an impersonal natural force but from a tangible adversary – another state – which evokes a distinct form of fear, such as the fear of losing one’s country. The changing nature of warfare further intensified these perceptions. One interviewee with a military background emphasized that modern conflict is no longer confined to front lines but increasingly affects entire societies and populations. This broader exposure was seen to activate a civic response. As the interviewee explained:

The war in Europe and the related threats perceived to impact Finland were seen to serve as a powerful driver of agency. One spontaneous volunteer who became active due to the war described his involvement as an “ultimate coping mechanism for war” (#15). Among interviewees representing the official system, there was a shared view that spontaneous volunteering provides a constructive means of assuming agency in moments of crisis. In this sense, such engagement was interpreted as a form of self-efficacy, the belief in one’s capacity to take meaningful action despite uncertainty. Stress, anxiety, and fear were seen to be channelled into purposeful activity, ideally enhancing the volunteer’s resilience and fostering a sense of safety.

Physical Resources and Capacities

Kruse et al. (2017) conceptualize physical resources and capacities as tangible assets, including housing, communications, and water and sanitation facilities. This subdimension of community resilience is reflected in the interview data through the subcategory Digital Enablers of Mobilization, which particularly highlights digital communication as a crucial physical resource that facilitates collective action. Although digitalization did not emerge as an explicit driver of spontaneous volunteering, it was evident as an implicit enabler. Interviewees described how aid activities were initiated and coordinated through digital platforms, particularly during the early days of Russia’s large-scale invasion of Ukraine. Social media and messaging services such as Facebook, (then) Twitter, Instagram, and WhatsApp enabled the rapid mobilization of existing social networks and the creation of new connections among willing helpers, both within Finland and internationally. As one interviewee recalled:

Social Protection

Kruse et al. (2017) define social protection as a set of hazard-independent resilience measures, including actions aimed at reducing vulnerability and establishing social safety nets. This subdimension highlights the importance of ensuring continuity and basic well-being regardless of the nature of the crisis. In the present data, this subdimension is particularly evident in the subcategories Ensuring the Continuity of Civilian Life and Informal Humanitarian Response Mechanisms, both of which showcase how spontaneous volunteers help sustain everyday life and provide humanitarian relief in response to emerging needs.

The interviews revealed a strong narrative emphasizing that national defence encompasses much more than military or armed operations. In particular, the importance of maintaining the vital functions of society was highlighted, reflecting an understanding that war is fought not only on the frontlines but also within the civilian domain:

In this context, spontaneous volunteering was seen as particularly well-suited to supporting the continuity of civilian life, one of the core concerns of social protection. The activities described included securing and repairing infrastructure, providing logistical support, clearing debris, offering childcare, caring for the elderly, distributing food and water, and managing traffic.

Reflecting the social protection subdimension, the interviewees described various forms of informal humanitarian response mechanisms that aim to reduce vulnerability and provide essential support in national defence contexts. Evacuation assistance was particularly emphasized, primarily involving the relocation of people. However, one interviewee also mentioned the evacuation of property and animals. This was seen as connected to the social collective memory discussed earlier:

As part of the evacuation process, the spontaneous offering of shelter to evacuees was also mentioned. In addition, material aid – such as the distribution of clothing – and the provision of emotional support were seen as key expressions of informal humanitarian response in the context of national defence.

Civil Protection

Kruse et al. (2017) define civil protection as encompassing initiatives structured around hazard-specific phases of disaster management, namely preparedness, response, recovery, and mitigation. In the present data, this subdimension emerged as multiple forms of action by spontaneous volunteers, aiming to protect both themselves and others throughout various stages of national defence contingencies (see also Kosonen et al., 2019b).

The first subcategory within this subdimension is Building Readiness Through Civil Preparedness. This theme reflects how spontaneous volunteerism intersects with the preparedness phase of the disaster management cycle, a core component of the civil protection domain (Kruse et al., 2017). Interviewees representing the official system particularly approached spontaneous volunteering through the lens of preparedness. They saw individuals’ peacetime efforts – ranging from skill-building to stockpiling – as important contributors to future spontaneous mobilization capacity. The data highlighted how, in the absence of acute threats, spontaneous and informal volunteering tends to remain latent. Consequently, proactive steps to create conditions for potential activation were considered essential. As one interviewee stated: “Without preparedness, there is no readiness” (#16). Another explained: “By being able to keep yourself alive, you create the conditions to help others. And in doing so, you also create the conditions to, for example, engage in resistance” (#1). This was illustrated through the metaphor of a pyramid, where the base represents the capability to care for oneself, the middle level represents the capability to help others, and the top represents the capability to engage in resistance activities.

Several methods for creating these capabilities were identified. Firstly, conscript service (and, to some extent, non-military service) was highlighted as a means of fostering an understanding of the operational environment and instilling a sense of realism in volunteer activities. This realism was seen as a way to prevent actions from veering toward extremes, such as excessive prepper activities. Secondly, popular voluntary defence courses for men and women were highlighted as important for enhancing participants’ risk awareness, confidence, and both their willingness and ability to act when needed. The significance of these courses in relation to spontaneous volunteering was described as follows: “I would argue that, without a doubt, these courses, the courses organized by the associations, are one way to nurture spontaneous volunteering” (#9). In addition to acquiring knowledge and developing and practicing skills, securing supplies, such as maintaining an adequate household emergency stock, was also brought up. Furthermore, the role of social connections, such as getting to know one’s neighbours, was recognized as a key element of preparedness efforts.

The second subcategory is Civil Contributions to Military Logistics, which is positioned closer to the core of military efforts. Actions within this subcategory were described as involving the construction, procurement, and delivery of essential resources to the frontlines. The mentioned resources included stoves, drones, helmets, night vision devices, bulletproof vests, and Starlink systems. The significance of such contributions was highlighted as they were seen to address the root problem – ongoing military aggression – whereas more humanitarian-oriented aid focuses on mitigating the side effects of war. Although the support is directed toward military operations rather than the civilian population per se, these actions can be interpreted as part of civil protection, as they enhance the broader crisis response capacity of the national defence system.

The third subcategory, Civic Engagement in Situational Awareness, encompasses both the collection and dissemination of data and information, as described in the interviews. Examples of information collection included open-source intelligence activities, such as the creation of situational maps. Data dissemination, on the other hand, was primarily linked to reporting enemy locations through designated channels, that is, observations of adversaries (e.g., drones) being shared with authorities. More broadly, this was tied to the role of every individual and community in the information environment:

The interview data also revealed the subcategory Informal Transfer of Tactical Knowledge, which highlighted the significance of participatory defence training. Finnish experiences from Ukraine served as an example of what could be described as a form of spontaneous “training export” (#4). This activity involved informal defence training, where relevant skills – such as weapon handling, group movement tactics, and first aid – were taught to civilians or individuals either preparing for combat roles or already engaged in them. In such cases, the trainer was typically a sufficiently skilled and capable reservist who operated spontaneously, without affiliation to any formal organization. As part of the civil protection dimension, this form of participatory training can be seen as contributing to community-level preparedness by enhancing tactical capabilities among civilians in times of armed crisis.

The final subcategory identified within this subdimension is Emergent Engagement at the Frontlines and in Cyberspace. Actual instances of spontaneous battlefront volunteering remained elusive in the data and primarily emerged in interviews through the perceived threat scenarios related to it. While it was considered plausible that individuals – such as unplaced reservists or reservists in auxiliary reserve – might spontaneously take up arms, this was seen as an activity that should be channelled through the Defence Forces. In this way, spontaneous actors could formally enlist, thereby gaining legitimacy for their actions: “Now you are part of the Defence Forces. Now you operate as part of the field army. You have a position, you have a task, you have equipment, and you have legitimacy to act on behalf of the state” (#16). One suggested option was integrating spontaneous volunteers into rear-guard units responsible for protective duties. Access to the frontline, however, was viewed as possible only through official channels, and the presence of unmarked soldiers was deemed undesirable. On the other hand, it was acknowledged that if a region were occupied, spontaneous, partisan-style activities could become a possibility. Spontaneous volunteering at the battlefront, while more contentious, can be thus interpreted as a last-resort form of civil protection in extreme scenarios, where formal structures may no longer function effectively.

Digital communities expand the traditional notion of civil protection beyond physical space, as battlefront volunteering in the cyber realm was regarded more favourably, with spontaneous volunteering seen as a natural fit within this domain. This applied to both conducting cyberattacks and defending against them. Interviewees highlighted how such activities do not necessarily require integration into the official system and how the lack of physical constraints in the digital sphere can facilitate the emergence of spontaneous volunteering.

Risk/Loss Perception

Kruse et al. (2017) conceptualize risk/loss perception as the awareness of current, past, or future hazards and their potential impacts, shaped by various forms of knowledge. This subdimension of community resilience is reflected in the interview data through the subcategory Managing Personal Risk and Sustaining Resilience, which highlights individuals’ awareness of the risks associated with engaging in spontaneous volunteering during wartime and the strategies employed to sustain their personal resilience under such condition.

Interviewees representing the official system explicitly identified the risk of spontaneous volunteers being injured or even killed while acting as helpers as a significant danger. This raised questions about the role of the war context in shaping risk acceptance. On the one hand, it was emphasized that every effort should be made to minimize the risks of injury or death; on the other, it was noted that, compared to contexts such as disaster response, the realities of warfare inherently include greater risks, which may be more acceptable given the higher stakes involved in national defence. The protracted nature of war was also seen as influencing how risks associated with volunteering more broadly might be tolerated over time:

In contrast, the experiences of the interviewed spontaneous volunteers highlighted issues related to exhaustion and trauma rather than injury or death. This can likely be explained by the fact that the interviewees were engaged in activities other than battlefront volunteering. They, for instance, discussed how easy it is to overcommit to volunteer activities and risk burnout. Most interviewees continued working full-time jobs or studying while volunteering, meaning that their voluntary work was carried out during their free time or vacation, often at the expense of rest or sleep. They also shared various strategies for maintaining resilience and coping with these challenges. One strategy mentioned was the importance of working in a group and reducing personal burdens through delegation: “I do not try to save the world alone. Instead, I try to make it someone else’s task as well. We share the load” (#10). Another approach involved limiting exposure to potentially traumatizing materials, such as selectively viewing open-source intelligence content or distressing images shared by war refugees:

Monitoring and review

Kruse et al. (2017) define monitoring and review as processes for assessing and adjusting risk management in response to changing conditions. In the present data, this subdimension is reflected in the subcategory Adapting Spontaneous Action for Long-Term Impact. In the context of national defence, the protracted nature of the war poses unique challenges. Assisting Ukraine has not involved responding to a temporary crisis but rather addressing a prolonged armed conflict, which has required spontaneous volunteers to adapt and implement organizational changes over time.

Although all interviewed spontaneous volunteers began their activities informally, they gradually transitioned into more structured organizations, eventually registering as formal NGOs. Despite this formalization, they emphasized the importance of retaining the agility and grassroots ethos of their operations. The primary drivers behind this organizational evolution included the need to establish reliable financial systems, gain accreditation as recognized aid actors, and ensure sustainability beyond a few key individuals. This evolution illustrates an ongoing process of monitoring needs and adjusting organizational practices accordingly:

Notably, one interviewee explained that once accreditation was no longer required, they chose to return to operating informally, while retaining the capacity to re-register as an NGO should the situation demand it.

Experimentation and Innovation

Kruse et al. (2017) conceptualize experimentation and innovation as the testing and application of new or adapted approaches to risk management. This subdimension of community resilience is reflected in the interview data through the subcategory Aligning Efforts with Actual Needs. From the perspective of the official system, a longstanding concern has been that spontaneous aid efforts may fail to align with actual needs. This issue was particularly evident in the context of humanitarian aid, where a strong desire to help could sometimes result in logistical difficulties or the delivery of supplies that do not match the needs on the ground, thereby leading to waste. Both representatives of the official system and interviewed spontaneous volunteers proposed a practical solution: ensuring that recipients – ranging from government bodies to individual soldiers – communicate their needs directly. Such a demand-driven model was viewed as a way to better target aid efforts and increase their relevance and efficiency. However, interviewees also expressed caution regarding this approach. Sharing detailed needs too openly could risk exposing sensitive information, such as shortages or vulnerabilities, to adversaries. Concerns were also raised about the potential for abuse by informal actors operating outside established NGO frameworks, including opportunists who might exploit the crisis for personal gain. These dynamics illustrate how both formal and informal actors experiment with new coordination mechanisms to improve the relevance and efficiency of aid provision under volatile conditions.

Problematizing Risk/Loss

Kruse et al. (2017) define problematizing risk/loss as the process of critically questioning the appropriateness and justice of how risks and losses are managed. In the present data, this subdimension is reflected in the subcategory Fostering Trust Between Formal and Informal Actors. This subcategory reflects how trust and legitimacy themselves become sites of contestation.

Divergences in goals between the official system and spontaneous volunteers emerged as a significant challenge. These tensions were particularly associated with the potentially ideological nature of some spontaneous actions. For instance, such actions were linked to expressions of “zealous patriotism” (#4) or “overly enthusiastic reservist behaviour” (#5), which were seen as susceptible to escalation, especially in relation to the use of force. Alternatively, divergences could stem from anti-war spontaneous movements, raising questions about the official system’s willingness to accommodate such actors: “Do we immediately label such spontaneous volunteering as a victim of hybrid influence?” (#8). At the same time, the interviewees acknowledged that hybrid threats were a legitimate concern, noting that foreign powers could seek to exploit divisions and provoke individuals to act in alignment with their strategic aims.

Building trust between the official system and spontaneous volunteers was perceived as a delicate and ongoing process. Among the interviewed spontaneous volunteers, this trust was described as developing gradually, based on demonstrated contributions. However, it was also recognized that trust, once gained, could be quickly lost, especially if the actions of a single volunteer cast doubt on the legitimacy or reliability of the broader group. Moreover, trust-building was often constrained by the political sensitivities of war. As one volunteer remarked, public authorities may sympathize with spontaneous efforts privately but refrain from expressing support openly: “But the message [from public authorities] was quite clear in those early stages that there was sympathy. They said outright that we are on the same page and all, but officially, we cannot collaborate.” (#11)

Dissemination

Kruse et al. (2017) conceptualize dissemination as the sharing of proven ideas, tools, and practices across communities and policy domains. This subdimension of community resilience is reflected in the interview data through the subcategory Operational Secrecy as a Barrier to Situational Awareness. While the importance of sharing information and building situational awareness was widely acknowledged, several challenges were identified. A comparison was drawn with disaster response operations, where both volunteers and the general public typically have access to relevant information and can engage in two-way communication with authorities. In the context of warfare, however, the dynamics shift considerably due to the operational secrecy embedded in national defence practices. As one interviewee noted, “national defence involves so much secrecy and deception – both toward our own people and the enemy” (#6). In this environment, inappropriate dissemination of information can endanger the safety of military units, creating a tension between the need to inform and the imperative to protect. This limitation poses a distinct challenge to resilience-building efforts, as constrained information flows may reduce the capacity of volunteers and communities to act in a coordinated and informed manner.

Critical Reflection

Kruse et al. (2017) define critical reflection as the critical assessment of values, technologies, and governance before action. In the present data, this subdimension of community resilience is reflected in the subcategories Negotiating Civil–Military Boundaries and Responding to Institutional Constraints. Both subcategories reflect the core of critical reflections by demonstrating how individuals and institutions must evaluate not only practical risks, but also the ethical and legal boundaries of spontaneous volunteering in wartime.

First, the blurring of roles between soldiers and civilians was perceived as a significant risk, particularly in terms of the protection of the civilian population. This concern centered on situations where spontaneous volunteers engage in armed activities outside the formal structures of national defence. In such cases, these individuals would not be afforded protection under the laws of armed conflict, including the Geneva Conventions’ provisions on the treatment of prisoners of war. In the worst-case scenario, activities such as participatory military logistics or battlefront volunteering could render them vulnerable to being treated as legitimate military targets. As one interviewee cautioned: “If we begin to blur the lines too much between what constitutes national defence and civilian activity, then we essentially open the door to a situation where anything is permissible against us” (#17).

The issue was seen as particularly problematic in cases where, for example, a spontaneously acting armed volunteer might seek shelter in a civilian bunker, potentially turning the shelter into a military target. At the same time, interviewees acknowledged the changing character of warfare, raising questions about the degree to which aggressor states still adhere to international norms such as the Geneva Conventions.

Second, the rigidity of the official system was highlighted as a structural challenge in the Finnish context. Both spontaneous volunteers and representatives of the official system described how Finland’s strong administrative structures, legal frameworks, and highly developed bureaucracy contribute to what is often colloquially called “Regulated Finland” (Sääntö-Suomi) (#1). Within this framework, spontaneous volunteering tends to be interpreted through existing institutional logics and is expected to align with formal structures, rather than being enabled as a more autonomous or parallel civic phenomenon. One official representative illustrated this tension by explaining how Finland’s peacetime emphasis on authorities and established NGOs limits the visibility of spontaneous volunteering, even though the capacity and willingness to help is latent and may surface in times of crisis: