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Can Disability Rights Flourish in Backsliding Democracies? – The Case of Hungary Cover

Can Disability Rights Flourish in Backsliding Democracies? – The Case of Hungary

By:  and    
Open Access
|Jul 2024

Figures & Tables

Table 1

Changes in the work of the NDC (participants’ mentions).

NDC (1999 TO 2011–2012)NDC TODAY
Regular meetings (several times a year)Less frequent meetings. For long periods (even for over a year) the NDC did not convene at all.
Ministries sent representatives to meet DPOs, enabling discussions between ministries and DPOsMinistry representatives were excluded from the NDC in 2012. Only the social ministry participates.
NDC opinions were ‘taken more seriously’.NDC opinions are not taken seriously.
NDC decrees had some weight in policy-makingIf NDC disagrees with a government proposal, ‘nothing happens’.
NDC opinions & proposals were sent to government meetings or other ministries, with follow-upDPOs receive no or very little feedback about their proposals
Agenda for meetings were developed jointly by DPOs and the ministry.Agenda of meetings are set by the ministry. Proposals for the agenda by DPOs may be refused.
NDC rules, membership, summary of meetings and decrees were more transparentLack of transparency: decrees, membership, summaries are not available publicly
More meaningful debatesDebates have deteriorated to the level of quarrels
NDC was chaired jointly by DPO and state-representatives, decisions were made jointlyThe chair of NDC is a state official, decisions are made by him
Subcommittees (sometimes) workedWork in subcommittees has ceased
Sometimes incorrect minutes (i.e. with misinterpretations)
Graph 1

Number of meetings of the National Disability Committee. (Source: Ministry of Interior, 2023).

Table 2

Level of participation.

PARTICIPATION SCALE
4. Partnership/co-governance (participation in agenda setting; monitoring or the implementation of policies; stable working relations between authorities & civil society; shared responsibilities).
3. Consultation/deliberation (DPOs provide expertise; structured dialogue exists with tangible influence).
2. Tokenistic inclusion (inclusion in meetings or consultative bodies; information sharing but no impact on agenda or outcomes).
1. Information sharing (DPOs receive information but have no influence on them)
0. No consultation (exclusion from platforms, services).
Graph 2

Level of participation, mean scores (late 2000s: N = 11; early 2020s: N = 15).

Table 3

Advocacy space scale.

ADVOCACY SPACE
3. Full freedom/rights (DPOs are free to choose their strategies, unlimited freedom of association, freedom of critical speech and protest).
2. Restricted opinions (self-censorship when voicing concerns, avoiding certain issues in public statements, fear of losing space due to critical statements)
1. Vilification/stigmatization (DPOs or activist groups may be stigmatized due to their criticism or authorities or because of their funding background)
0. Persecution/harassment (legal actions or physical violence against NGOs)
Graph 3

Advocacy space, mean scores. (2000s: N = 9; 2020s: N = 15).

Table 4

Levels of funding.

FUNDING SCALE
4. Structural government funding (multi-annual funding schemes, organisational funding enshrined in law).
3. Ad hoc government funding (occasional grants, annual grants).
2. Only foreign funding available (or no domestic funding schemes are used).
1. Foreign funding obstructed.
0. No funding available.
Graph 4

Levels of funding, mean scores (2000s: N = 8; 2020s N = 15).

DOI: https://doi.org/10.16993/sjdr.1053 | Journal eISSN: 1745-3011
Language: English
Page range: 349 - 365
Submitted on: Jul 1, 2023
Accepted on: May 21, 2024
Published on: Jul 10, 2024
In partnership with: Paradigm Publishing Services

© 2024 Gabor Petri, Erika Hruskó, published by Stockholm University Press
This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.