Understanding Deconversion: Exploring Why and How People Leave a High-Control Religion and Develop Alternative Worldviews

Deconversion

Following Streib (2021: 139), we consider ‘leaving religion’ to be synonymous with deconversion and understand this as:

This understanding of deconversion is intentionally broad because of the interconnectivity between its five aspects, whose importance varies in different contexts. Although some researchers may choose to focus on just one aspect, from a psychological perspective they appear to be part of a single polythetic process with a range of outcomes that should be studied more holistically (Paloutzian et al. 2013; Streib 2014). While the terminology remains contested, mirroring the wider debates about defining religiosity and spirituality, the differences are primarily emic rather than etic (cf. Hood et al. 2018; Murphy 2017). Some methodologies may need to group participants into more quantifiable categories (such as whether individuals have terminated membership), but qualitative approaches can explore the nuances of phenomena without requiring such categorizations (Patton 2015). As Streib’s (2021) definition and terminology is a good fit for how the ex-JWs in the dataset used in this study described their experiences, we have adopted it here as a suitable theoretical framework for exploring their experiences (cf. Braun & Clarke 2022).

The polythetic nature of deconversion means the links between it and individuals’ well-being are complex, with different findings in different studies, but it seems likely that the groups being left, the reasons for leaving, and the manner of exit all influence how the process affects well-being (see Paloutzian et al. 2013; Streib 2021). While many deconverts (eventually) experience personal growth after their exits, the process itself can be traumatic and have lasting consequences for both the deconverts and the communities they have left (see Murphy et al. 2025a; Streib 2014; Winell 2017).

Worldview dynamics and spiritual transformation

Deconversion, like conversion, can be usefully conceptualized as an example of worldview change or spiritual transformation (Murphy 2021; Paloutzian et al. 2013; Streib 2014). Worldviews are comprehensive systems of beliefs, both reflective and non-reflective, that generate thoughts and behaviors. They are inherently multidimensional, situational, and relational (Lee 2015; Taves & Asprem 2018). While the terminology differs, this approach is consistent with the meaning-systems approach advocated by many in the psychology of religion (e.g., Hood et al. 2018; Park 2013). As Paloutzian (2014) argues, when the degree of change in an individual’s beliefs reaches certain thresholds, they may be considered religious conversions, deconversions, or spiritual transformations depending on the particular details. However, distinctions between religious, spiritual, and secular beliefs are only social constructions with little inherent psychological value (cf. Murphy 2017; Taves 2009) and a range of different outcomes are possible from the same processes (cf. Streib 2014).

How beliefs are acquired and change is still only partially understood (Paloutzian & Park 2013; Taves & Asprem 2018), although religious conversion and spiritual transformation have long been important topics for researchers (see Hood et al. 2018). Many researchers have highlighted the importance of conflict between individuals’ beliefs and experiences in encouraging changes to beliefs. For example, Rambo (1993) proposed that conversion can best be understood through a systemic stage model that involves individuals experiencing challenges to their beliefs and then seeking better alternatives, before committing to a new religious identity. Park’s (2013) meaning-making model suggests that discrepant events can cause the reappraisal of either the events or wider beliefs. Similarly, Taves, Asprem and Ihm (2018) observe that events which break with an individual’s expectations are likely to cause a reappraisal of underlying beliefs. More recently, Murphy (2021) proposed the accumulation of multiple experiences can contribute towards hermeneutic conflicts and that such conflicts often require either a reappraisal of the experiences or changes to the individuals’ worldviews to reconcile them.

Qualitative research and theory development

The complex nature of religiosity means a wide range of methodologies, and academic disciplines, are necessary to develop a full understanding of phenomena deemed religious or spiritual – including deconversion (Hood et al. 2018). One important advantage of qualitative methodologies is their ability to explore nuances and complexities that nomothetic approaches cannot (Davis & Tisdale 2016; Patton 2015). When investigating emotive and polythetic topics, such as religiosity, this is vitally important.

Qualitative research also has an important role to play in theory development, as it can explore phenomena more freely than quantitative approaches and develop deeper understandings of the processes associated with them (Maxwell 2013; Patton 2015). While no single study can encompass the full diversity of deconversion experiences, individual studies can still develop important insights with broader applicability (cf. Braun & Clarke 2022; Patton 2015). Exploring the processes through which multiple events interact with each other in particular contexts, and how those events are understood by the individuals concerned, can provide much richer insights than that which can be gathered by large-scale surveys or experiments. This is particularly important when the phenomena being studied are inherently about the way that people make sense of themselves and the world.

Studying intense and illuminative examples of phenomena can provide clearer insights into these underlying processes, although care must be taken when considering the wider applicability of findings (Patton 2015). Sensitivity to the importance of context within the analysis itself can mitigate these issues. A strong awareness of the details of participants’ experiences (and the wider context around them) can thus make it easier to apply findings more broadly than with quantitative studies, where crucial nuance is unavoidably lost and the validity of generalizability to other populations is often questionable.

High-control religion

Like deconversion, religion is a polythetic category that is difficult to define and lacks core universal features (Hood et al. 2018; Murphy 2017). Different religious groups place different demands on their members, and this affects individuals’ experiences. Groups that place stricter demands on their members have been described as both high-cost (e.g., Scheitle & Adamczyk 2010) and high-control (e.g., Ransom et al. 2021). Many studies have shown individuals leaving high-control religious groups often face particularly challenging circumstances, experiencing both religious trauma and a wide range of social difficulties (e.g., Björkmark, Nynäs & Koskinen 2022; Grendele, Flax & Bapir-Tardy 2022; Winell 2017). This makes understanding these ‘more extreme’ deconversions particularly important and doing so has the potential to illuminate the processes of belief change more broadly (Patton 2015).

The Jehovah’s Witnesses (JWs) are a ‘world-rejecting’ millenarian Christian sect with a global membership of over eight million, of whom approximately 140,000 live in the UK (Chryssides 2022; Hookway & Habibis 2015). JWs have a strict moral code that prohibits activities including homosexuality, extra-marital sex, gambling, and drug use; they also discourage social relationships with non-JWs as these are considered a risk to the purity of both the individual and community. The consequences of violating the moral code include both formal disciplinary actions and informal social consequences – the most severe of which include being ‘disfellowshipped’ and shunned (Ransom et al. 2021). Former members often describe lasting consequences to their well-being and leaving the organization is a serious and meaningful process (Hookway & Habibis 2015; Murphy et al. 2025a).

Research questions and aims

This study uses rich qualitative data to explore two important research questions. Firstly, why do people in the United Kingdom leave the Jehovah’s Witnesses? Secondly, how do ex-Jehovah’s Witnesses’ worldviews change during deconversion? By exploring these two questions, a richer understanding of the processes of both deconversion specifically and worldview change more generally can be developed.

Design

A secondary analysis of the ‘Supporting and Understanding Apostates’ dataset (Murphy et al. 2025a) was performed using Reflexive Thematic Analysis (Braun & Clarke 2022). Reflexive Thematic Analysis is a flexible and widely used methodology that focuses on understanding participants’ experiences and the patterns across participants’ experiences. The analysis adopted a critical realist stance that acknowledges the messy complexity of how individuals’ contexts shape their experiences while resisting a purely relativist position that would deny the possibility of shared underlying psychological processes. This allowed a systematic yet inductive exploration of the deconverts’ accounts of why they left the Jehovah’s Witnesses. The analysis is thus inherently interpretative, but the methodology still enables understandings of the phenomena with broader relevance to be carefully developed (Braun & Clarke 2022; Maxwell 2013; Patton 2015).

Data

The dataset consisted of transcribed semi-structured interviews with 20 participants who all resided in the United Kingdom and identified as ex-Jehovah’s Witnesses. Eleven women and nine men were interviewed, aged between 22–71 years (m = 44.20, SD = 11.45). Each interview lasted between 47–111 minutes (m = 75). Reflexive Thematic Analysis does not use statistically representative samples and so participants were purposively recruited to encompass a diverse range of experiences, including joining and leaving the JWs at different times and in different ways (Braun & Clarke 2022; Patton 2015). To protect the participants from potential harm, only limited demographic details are presented. For further details about the data, please see Murphy et al. (2025b).

Data analysis

The interview transcripts were imported into Quirkos and analysed following the principles and processes developed by Braun and Clarke (2022). Each transcript was coded thoroughly and systematically, identifying sections of the text that were meaningful and relevant to the research questions. These initial codes were used to develop candidate themes, clustering similar codes together as well as noting their prevalence across different participants’ experiences. These candidate themes were reviewed and further developed to succinctly convey the core facets of the participants’ experiences as they questioned their beliefs and ultimately left the Jehovah’s Witnesses. Development of the themes presented here continued throughout the writing-up of this article, which we consider an integral part of the qualitative research process (Braun & Clarke 2022; Patton 2015). The extracts included in the write-up were chosen to help illustrate the key findings and each point is also supported by data beyond those extracts. What is presented here is an interpretative account of the participants’ experiences, which we hope provides convincing insights into these participants’ deconversion experiences.

Researcher background

The author is an ex-evangelical Christian who now identifies as ‘not religious’ and who led the original research team (Murphy et al. 2025a). The author’s disciplinary background is Psychology, with expertise in religious experiences and worldview dynamics, and so both the research design and interpretation of the data were shaped by that perspective. Consistent with the principles of Reflexive Thematic Analysis, the author’s own experiences and knowledge helped interpret the data, although a conscious awareness of the author’s positioning was maintained and assumptions from prior research and personal experiences were set aside and questioned during the analysis (Braun & Clarke 2022; Patton 2015).

Intellectual doubts can undermine belief

Most participants described experiencing intellectual doubts about Jehovah’s Witness teachings. Such doubts occurred at different points during their deconversion journeys and did not always have immediate effects, but when unresolved they formed cracks in the edifice of their worldviews. Due to the fundamentalist nature of the organization and its hierarchical authority structure, when participants started to question the divinely-guided nature of the organization’s teachings it could have wide-reaching effects on their beliefs.

The organization’s leadership rooted their authority within a historical narrative and Gareth was one of several participants who articulated the issues caused by discovering that narrative conflicted with the findings of secular historians. He explained how he came to realize that ‘Jerusalem was actually destroyed in 587… not 607… That means that Jesus didn’t come in 1914, and if Jesus didn’t come in 1914, that means he didn’t appoint the Governing body…’ This realization made it necessary to examine his other beliefs to determine whether they could be trusted.

Participants found it particularly problematic when they were told to believe things that clashed with things they’d previously been taught. Jane described an incident where she and her husband ‘were going to start studying the Revelation Book and they sent all the stickers to stick over all the changes… I just went, ‘Well, I’m not doing that! … It’s either the truth or it’s not the truth…’ While most changes in the organization’s teachings were more subtle, any changes could cause cognitive dissonance for those aware that things had changed – typically long-term members who had diligently absorbed previous teachings.

A process of escalating questioning was described by many participants as a key aspect of their deconversions. These doubts were initially driven by a need to understand what they believed, but when they were poorly handled by other Jehovah’s Witnesses it fuelled doubts about the organization. As Oliver explained, ‘the more I questioned, the more push-backed and more angry people seemed to get, and the worse the answers seemed to get as well.’ Attempts to suppress the participants’ questioning appear to have forced them to look beyond their congregations for answers. Adam articulated a common belief amongst the deconverts: ‘Surely, if the truth is the truth, it should stand up to scrutiny?’

For some deconverts, who had been raised in the organization, doubts about its teachings started at an early age. Kate described how, ‘At quite a young age I thought, I just don’t believe, you know…I hated going to meetings, I really hated it.’ The high social cost of leaving meant many participants remained in the organization for lengthy periods despite their doubts and this often required them to repress them. Rachel summed up the dilemma of exploring her growing doubts, observing she could either be ‘miserable with the knowledge that I have, or be ignorant and try and be reasonably happy.’ It often took an accumulation of different doubts and experiences before someone was ready to leave and reject the organization’s narrative that apostasy was an individual moral failing.

Social experiences can weaken faith

A wide range of social experiences contributed to the deconverts’ decisions to leave the Jehovah’s Witnesses. This included negative experiences within the organization and positive experiences beyond it. Being part of a ‘high-control’ religious organization is often not easy, and some deconverts described a general unhappiness with their lives as Jehovah’s Witnesses. Peter described how, for a long time, he had ‘just sort of suffered and tried to do what I was told… [but then] something just broke… It just got too much. It was too unhappy, it’s too miserable.’ It was often the accumulation of many different things that made their situations intolerable, but analysis of the deconverts’ accounts suggests several types of experiences were particularly problematic and alienating.

For many deconverts, perceived hypocrisy within the organization and its leadership was difficult to handle. When discussing why she left, Fiona said, ‘It really galls me. I can’t bear the hypocrisy… That’s what I hate about the Jehovah’s Witness religion… it is so hypocritical. The arrogance, and the arrogance attached to it….’ The organization claimed to be special and sacred, standing in contrast to an evil world, and yet many participants saw others within it act in ways that were not consistent with those claims.

Many of the deconverts also highlighted witnessing abuse within the organization, or the organization’s leadership’s responses to abuse, as key factors that contributed to their decisions to leave. This abuse could take many different forms, including child sexual abuse and physical abuse. Sadly, Natalie was far from the only participant who said that ‘Growing up, like, my friends would go through things and it would be… swept under the carpet.’ Seeing abusers, and those who tolerated abuse, rewarded had an understandably negative effect on the victims. The organization emphasized the importance of morality and integrity, so seeing such failings from its leadership could both cause and amplify doubts. Sarah’s testimony illustrates this point vividly.

Many of the participants described how finding others within the organization who were also questioning things could embolden them to further explore their own doubts. Lucy, who left as a teenager, spoke extensively about how she formed a close bond with another girl her age who, ‘confided in me that she had a boyfriend, she drank, she smoked and I think I had an ally all of a sudden that helped me see a different side of things.’ Similarly, when families developed doubts at the same time it not only provided this sense of support but also greatly diminished the social costs of leaving.

The deconverts had all been taught that the consequences of leaving the Jehovah’s Witnesses were awful. However, when they saw examples of ex-Jehovah’s Witnesses thriving it gave them hope that their own lives could be improved. Rachel described how she, ‘started to question a bit more when people that were of a generation above me were leaving and seeming to go on to have quite a nice life… I was like, “Oh, so it’s possible.”’ Without these examples that contradicted the organization’s narratives, many of the participants felt they may have remained unhappy members rather than eventually daring to leave themselves.

Identity conflicts can precipitate change

Conflicts between different aspects of the deconverts’ identities were often identified as key contributors to their decisions to leave the organization and reject its teachings. The most common of these involved either the participants’ gender or their sexuality, both issues on which the organization’s teachings clearly clash with the beliefs of wider British society.

For some female deconverts, the organization’s patriarchal views were particularly problematic. Diana described how, ‘The position of women really used to irritate me, you know. A woman has to be in subjection to her husband and that really got on my nerves.’ This subjugation of women could lead to internalized misogyny but also made some question their place within the organization. Beth spoke extensively about how, ‘as a woman you’re never gonna be good enough because you’re never ever ever going to be a Ministerial Servant, or an Elder, or a Governing Body member… No matter what you do, it’s never enough, and you can never get to the positions that the men get… What’s the point, then? What am I spending all of my time doing this for?’ Female Jehovah’s Witnesses could either accept an inferior place within the organization’s hierarchy or questioning that hierarchy.

Another potent form of identity conflict was experienced by queer participants, whose sexuality was irreconcilable with the organization’s teachings. Fiona described how she, ‘Tried to conciliate the gay and the Jehovah’s Witness and then started doing sort of bible study with another Jehovah’s Witness to see if I could marry the two worlds, which you can’t – you know it’s so taboo.’ These participants tried to be good Jehovah’s Witnesses, but the consequences of doing so were often psychologically damaging. As Natalie described, she ‘Just constantly felt like there was something wrong with me, like with my faith, with myself as a person.’ Ultimately, remaining a Jehovah’s Witness eventually ceased to be an option. They experienced other doubts and negative experiences too, but their sexuality provided an important impetus for finally leaving the organization. As Rachel said, ‘The only reasons why I did it was because I can’t see myself growing old with a man when all I wanna do is live an honest life with a woman… That drive and that need to be open and in a loving relationship, because I was desperate for love, was the push…’.

Issues related to sexuality and patriarchy could also impact others who were not as directly affected. Kate discovered her husband was gay and while they tried to maintain their marriage, ‘He wasn’t able to, you know, stem that part of him. He wanted to carry on being married, and now have other relationship…’ When she decided to leave him, it had severe social consequences as she was deemed to not be acting like a good wife, and those experiences contributed to her own questioning of the organization. Similarly, some straight male participants described being uncomfortable with how their wives, daughters, and sisters were treated and these perceived injustices could trigger questioning and doubt for them.

Deconversion involves divergent paths and destinations

The deconverts in this study became ex-Jehovah’s Witnesses for a diverse range of reasons and their experiences of leaving the organization, and after leaving it, also varied significantly (see Murphy et al. 2025a). This was partially due to the sampling strategy, which sought a diverse range of ex-Jehovah’s Witnesses, but prior research also suggests deconverts can adopt a wide range of new worldviews and beliefs (see Streib 2014, 2021). Individuals’ reasons for leaving the Jehovah’s Witnesses partially shape their post-exit trajectories but a striking feature of the data was that, despite the many shared elements, they each experienced deconversion differently. It is also important to remember the participants’ interviews do not represent the ‘end point’ of their changing beliefs – their worldviews will have continued developing over the rest of their lives.

Most deconverts experienced some form of existential searching after leaving the Jehovah’s Witnesses. Fiona described how, after leaving the organization, she started, ‘dabbling in other religions… I looked at the Hare Krishnas, I looked at Buddhism, because I think in essence a part of me, I’ve got a very strong spiritual side, and I really wanted to reconnect.’ As Kate described, rejecting former beliefs often left a ‘hole’ and she ‘felt like there had to be a replacement. Maybe, you know, an answer?’ Rejecting their previous beliefs did not mean they had already found replacements for them and they often felt ill-equipped, both intellectually and emotionally, to begin searching for answers immediately. Eric described how it was only several years after leaving that he decided to ‘develop a critical thinking ability. To look at things objectively and to, to research…’ This process was not easy, but he came to view it as both necessary and worthwhile.

For some, such as Ian, the deconversion process involved gradually rejecting more and more of their former beliefs. He said, ‘First of all it was waking up to the organization… Then it went back to the Bible, and then finally it went back to the big one, back to God, and I realized I didn’t believe in God.’ As discussed previously, intellectual doubts often cascaded as beliefs that had previously been mutually supported were questioned.

Deconverts’ post-exit trajectories often included phases of spiritual experimentation, even when they eventually led to atheism. Henry described experiencing ‘a phase where I was kind of spiritual, but not religious.’ In his case, that phase, ‘Didn’t last very long. Now, I’m completely non-religious. I call myself an agnostic atheist.’ While this transition from strong belief to strong unbelief is often represented quite loudly in public discourse, it is far from the only one described by the deconverts in this study.

For other deconverts, new spiritual identities appeared to be more than simply a transitional phase on a path to ‘inevitable’ secularism. Gareth described how he and his new partner, ‘ended up going more down a sort of Eastern spirituality route. So we’re very much into the, the idea that we are divine, we’re all divine, and we’re all one… I feel very, I feel very, I feel spiritually fulfilled now, and I feel happy and I feel loved.’ Similarly, Michelle described her new beliefs as, ‘the polar opposite to the JWs, completely opposite. I’m very, I’m very spiritual now… I have a deep, I have a belief that is personal to me.’ The new relationships that participants formed appeared to be particularly important in the development of their new belief systems (cf. Murphy 2021; Murphy et al. 2025a).

Many of the deconverts had not developed strong new beliefs, whether secular or spiritual, at all. For some, this may have simply been a transitional phase (as other deconverts also described experiencing such periods.) However, many of the participants seemed to have settled comfortably into ambiguity and agnosticism. For example, Jane said her perspective was ‘more holistic now… I’ve got now, got friends of, of different faiths… I talk to them… and see there’s so many different views…I just think, I’ll deal with that when I have to.’ Similarly, Natalie talked about having ‘a feeling that there is some kind of higher power out there or there’s some control… but I don’t know.’ This sort of spiritual ambiguity has parallels to the beliefs of many others in the United Kingdom (cf. Bullivant et al. 2019; Murphy, Jones & Nigbur 2022, 2023).

Understanding these deconversions

For these participants, deconversion was ‘clearly an intense biographical change that includes individual and social aspects.’ (Streib 2014: 4) Intellectual doubts and moral criticisms both featured heavily in the deconverts’ accounts, although there were also important experiential elements that contributed to their deconversions. The importance of dissatisfaction or unhappiness with their lives as Jehovah’s Witnesses should not be overlooked in favor of a focus on more cognitive motivations. Such experiences could develop into doubts or moral criticisms but did not necessarily start as such (and it seems likely that for many individuals, they do not do so.) Individuals’ beliefs include more than just explicit doctrines, and their implicit values and feelings about whether things are good or bad are also important (cf. Johnson, Hill and Cohen 2011; Taves & Asprem 2018).

While research exploring how spiritual or religious experiences can change people’s beliefs has often focused on sudden and dramatic experiences (see Hood et al. 2018), the data in this study support Murphy’s (2021) suggestion that the accumulation of many smaller experiences can also be impactful. For these deconverts, moments of hermeneutic conflict, times when an individual’s experiences conflicted with their worldview, played key roles in their worldviews’ development. Events that clashed with an individual’s beliefs required either a reappraisal of the events or changes to the individual’s beliefs (cf. Park 2013; Taves & Asprem 2018). Such experiences could lead to the strengthening of existing beliefs and relationships, if they encouraged positive religious coping techniques, or to major shifts in belief as ‘better’ answers to the challenges being faced were sought (cf. Exline & Rose 2013).

Individual hermeneutic conflicts often only caused small changes in people’s worldviews, which could lead to them holding incongruent beliefs (cf. Chaves 2010), but it seems the accumulation of such incongruencies can also contribute to subsequent, more significant changes in some individuals’ worldviews. The way multiple experiences and belief changes accumulate idiosyncratically throughout an individual’s life helps explain the polythetic nature of deconversion – individuals have different experiences and accommodate them in different ways, with only some individuals leaving both their former communities and all their former beliefs behind. Worldviews are inherently polythetic, situational, and relational – and thus so is the process of worldview change (Murphy 2021).

The deconverts in our study described themselves and their current beliefs in ways that were more individuative-reflective than the synthetic-conventional beliefs they attributed to their younger selves (cf. Streib 2014). Their response to facing crises of faith appears to have been to develop more complex understandings of the world. Many of the deconverts felt intellectually or morally compelled to set aside their former beliefs, despite the many pressures not to do so (cf. Altemeyer & Hunsberger 1997). For these participants, deconversion was ‘a step into freedom, autonomy, and personal growth’ (Streib 2014) but it was also a difficult and painful process for most participants (see Murphy et al. 2025a). Crises, whether chronic or acute, were an integral part of their deconversions and disaffiliation from their previous communities was particularly traumatic because of the high social cost of being shunned (cf. Grendele, Flax & Bapir-Tardy 2022).

Our findings support the observation that deconversion experiences differ considerably (cf. Streib 2014, 2021). For these individuals, despite their similar religious backgrounds, deconversion was clearly polythetic in nature and an extended process rather than a singular event (cf. Rambo 1993; Streib 2014). Most of the deconverts described what could best be categorized as secularizing or heretical exits, though some also went through a transitional phase of privatizing exit (Streib 2014). Analysis of the deconverts’ accounts also suggests that what might initially seem like one deconversion trajectory may eventually become another several years later, as the deconvert continues to develop a new worldview that meets their needs. While placing participants into discrete groups is important for quantitative analyses that seek to make comparisons between groups, it is important to remember that such classifications are always simplifications that can obscure important aspects of individuals’ experiences.

Changing worldviews required the deconverts to develop new narratives to make sense of the world, find new ways to affirm themselves, and build a new sense of connection to something greater than themselves (cf. Murphy et al. 2025a). The difficulty of doing this for themselves, rather than being able to simply adopt them from an existing group, partially explains why deconversion can be more psychologically challenging than conversion. Without the social and cultural resources offered by a community, individuals must instead find and choose from a wider range of existential resources for themselves. Many such existential cultures are available to individuals in modern Britain (Lee 2015).

Broader theoretical implications for worldview dynamics

As part of the interpretative analytical process, we considered the theoretical implications of these deconverts’ experiences for our understanding of deconversion and worldview change more widely (see Braun & Clarke 2022; Patton 2015). As discussed above, our findings were broadly congruent with existing research on meaning-making and worldview dynamics (cf. Park 2013; Paloutzian et al. 2013). Paloutzian (2014) identifies six elements necessary for changes in meaning systems or worldviews to occur. He suggests the individual must have an unmet want or need that they doubt can be resolved within their current context. They must also have sufficient agency to seek a resolution and the opportunity to look beyond their current context to find alternatives, with the ability to overcome any restrictions placed upon them and implement meaningful change in how they live and see the world. Paloutzian (2014) argues this process applies to all forms of religious conversion, spiritual transformation, and deconversion – and they appear to have been present for the deconverts in this study.

In terms of understanding and describing our deconverts’ experiences, Rambo’s (1993) approach of a systemic stage model seemed particularly relevant and useful. However, Rambo’s model did not adequately reflect the experiences of individuals whose ‘new’ beliefs were not aligned with a specific religious group. We therefore sought to update his model to encompass a wider range of religious and worldview changes.

Rambo’s (1993) model proposed that conversion can best be understood through a systemic stage model with seven stages: Context, Crisis, Quest, Encounter, Interaction, Commitment, and Consequences. The first three stages of Rambo’s model (Context, Crisis, and Quest) could be clearly seen in the deconverts in our study. In particular, crises appear to be important as catalysts for potential change – although they can also consolidate existing beliefs (cf. Paloutzian et al. 2013; Park 2013; Murphy 2021). Where the participants in this study differed most from Rambo’s model was in the next stages.

The original model (Rambo 1993) centered an ‘Encounter’ with an advocate of an alternative worldview and then the ‘Interactions’ with that advocate, which could eventually lead to Commitment. Most of the ex-JWs in our study did not have such encounters and it seems plausible that this reflects both the different nature of changing ‘from’ rather than ‘to’ and recent changes in the social landscape, such as the effects of the internet and other technologies on how people access information. As Lee (2015) shows, most people now have interactions with a wide range of existential cultures, many of which do not involve explicit advocacy. Social encounters and experiences are clearly an important element in worldview dynamics (cf. Paloutzian et al. 2013; Taves & Asprem 2018), but they are now often primarily driven by an autonomous quester rather than an advocate.

While ‘commitment’ is often seen as the most visible and defining aspect of religious change, recent research has shown that although singular moments may be given prominence in individuals’ self-narratives the reality is often more complex (see Paloutzian et al. 2013; Streib 2014). Resolution of somebody’s existential exploration can also take several distinct forms – of which changing affiliation is only one (Paloutzian 2014; Streib 2014). New worldviews and identities must be constructed from the remnants of old beliefs and whatever existential resources are available and useful (see Lee 2015; Murphy et al. 2025a). This resolution of existential exploration often comes with high costs (e.g., Grendele, Flax & Bapir-Tardy 2022; Murphy et al. 2025a) and individuals seek to best meet their needs as they negotiate competing demands and opportunities (cf. Paloutzian et al. 2013).

A revised model for significant worldview changes, including deconversion

The revised model for changes in individuals’ worldviews proposed here consolidates Rambo’s (1993) original seven stages into just five: Context, Crisis, Existential Exploration, Resolution, and Consequences. As with the original model, these steps should be seen as a process-orientated and systemic stage model that is dynamic rather than being strictly linear (cf. Rambo 1993). Each stage affects the others and there are iterative interactions between them all. We believe these revisions make the model more inclusive of the diverse forms that religious change may take, making it useful not just as a model of deconversion but also of worldview change or spiritual transformation more broadly (cf. Paloutzian et al. 2013).

Limitations and future directions for research

This study explored the experiences of individuals who had left the Jehovah’s Witnesses in the United Kingdom and the methodology employed only allows us to speak with confidence about the experiences of our participants (Braun & Clarke 2022; Patton 2015). While there are strong theoretical reasons for our analysis and proposed model to have broader relevance and transferability to other settings, the model we have developed requires testing (and likely refinement) in a much wider range of cultural settings. The complex and multi-faceted nature of deconversion means a strong understanding of it can only be developed using a multi-level interdisciplinary approach where different methodologies and perspectives are used in a complementary fashion. This should involve both qualitative studies with other groups and larger-scale quantitative studies (cf. Davis & Tisdale 2016; Paloutzian et al. 2013). Where possible, this research should be sensitive to the nuances of people’s changing beliefs and not just look at the broad identity labels they choose to use.

There were some significant demographic differences between these deconverts and those in previous studies, which have suggested most people leave religious groups in adolescence or early adulthood (see Paloutzian et al. 2013; Streib 2014). We believe this may reflect underlying differences in the dynamics of high-control religions, where deconverts are often forced to choose between being fully part of the community or leaving it entirely, and so delay their exits. It’s also possible that deconversion trajectories differ in countries (such as the United Kingdom) where it is more common not to be actively religious. Determining the validity of these interpretations requires additional research and shows the importance of studying a wide range of groups in different cultural contexts.

As an interpretative piece of research, the analysis presented here is not the only possible way to understand the data. Unavoidably, the interpretation is shaped by the researcher’s own experiences and prior knowledge – but with Reflexive Thematic Analysis this is not considered a weakness but rather a strength that adds richness and insight to the analysis (Braun & Clarke 2022). While there are alternative ways of conceptualizing deconversion, we believe the messy and entangled process portrayed here reflects the reality experienced by these participants. Explicit comparisons with other models of deconversion (and spiritual transformation) are beyond the scope of this article, and would require a different methodology, although such comparisons would be valuable. Research syntheses that can integrate the findings of many studies, using different methodologies in a broad range of settings, are needed to enhance our understanding of the underlying processes and untangle the particular from the more universal (Patton 2015; Suri & Clarke 2009).