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Community-Led Climate Crisis Solutions: A Study with the Urban Garo Indigenous Community in Bangladesh Cover

Community-Led Climate Crisis Solutions: A Study with the Urban Garo Indigenous Community in Bangladesh

Open Access
|Jul 2026

Full Article

Introduction

Indigenous and minority communities in Bangladesh face an ongoing systemic discrimination and marginalization due to intersecting factors such as religion, governance policies, and cultural practices. Within these communities, Indigenous women, particularly the Garo, experience multi-challenges that have led to a decline in their leadership roles and a crisis of long-standing women’s leadership (Deb & Haque, 2016). Traditionally, Garo Indigenous peoples were matrilineal, positioning women at the center of family and community governance. However, recent shifts—including male-dominated decision-making structures, religious conversion, and economic pressures—have impacted this traditional framework (Rashid et al., 2022). These changes have not only diminished women’s authority but have also weakened women-led cultural resilience and community sustainability, yet this remains an underexplored area of research.

Despite facing adversity, Indigenous land-based communities have demonstrated resilience in environmental stewardship, maintaining sustainable agricultural practices, protecting forests, and advocating for conservation (United Nations, 2021). However, climate change increases these challenges, threatening their resource-based livelihoods and increasing their vulnerabilities. Limited access to funding, climate risk data, and adaptation resources further hinders their ability to implement climate resilience strategies (Akinola et al., 2019; Datta et al., 2025; IPMPCC, 2011). While some research has documented Indigenous environmental adaptations, there remains a critical gap in understanding how these systemic barriers specifically impact Garo Indigenous women and their role in leading community-driven climate solutions in urban areas. Existing studies have primarily examined Indigenous environmental governance, land dispossession, or rural adaptation among Indigenous peoples in Bangladesh. However, little attention has been given to the experiences of urban Garo Indigenous women, particularly regarding the intersections of climate change, spirituality, gender transformation, and community-led adaptation. Furthermore, few studies have employed decolonial research approaches that privilege Indigenous storytelling and deep listening.

Colonial and postcolonial state interventions in Bangladesh have strongly disrupted Indigenous communities’ traditional relationships with forests, wildlife, fisheries, and other natural resources vital for their livelihoods. In the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT), the imposition of state-controlled forest classifications—such as reserved and khas forests—has criminalized Indigenous subsistence activities, leading to the alienation of land and resources from Indigenous peoples and transferring them to external actors. The Laitu Khyeng community, for instance, has faced environmental degradation due to government-endorsed projects like brickfields and monoculture plantations, which have polluted water sources, reduced biodiversity, and undermined traditional agricultural practices (Datta, 2019). Similarly, the Khasi Indigenous community has experienced ecological harm from the introduction of non-native tree species, such as rubber and eucalyptus, which disrupt local ecosystems and water availability (Roy et al., 2025). Also, unregulated tourism development has infringed upon their ancestral lands, leading to deforestation and the loss of traditional livelihoods (Datta et al., 2024). In the Sundarbans region, the exclusion of Indigenous and local communities from conservation efforts has contributed to biodiversity loss, despite these communities’ sustainable resource management practices rooted in traditional knowledge (Ahmed et al., 2023). Furthermore, the Chakma people have suffered from policies that restrict access to forests, labelling traditional practices as illegal and exacerbating tensions with state authorities (Roy, 2024). These examples underscore the ongoing impact of colonial legacies and state policies that marginalize Indigenous knowledge systems and threaten the ecological and cultural integrity of Indigenous communities in Bangladesh.

The Garo Indigenous people of Bangladesh have historically maintained an intricate relationship with their lands, practicing sustainable traditional cultivation and stewarding biodiversity through communal governance systems. As part of their Indigenous and Community-Conserved Area (ICCA) principles, the Garo people’s governance systems revolved around women-led decision-making, ensuring a balance between biodiversity conservation and communal well-being (Perucca, 2012). This environmental governance model was deeply rooted in spiritual and cultural practices (Jalil & Ali, 2012). However, the introduction of colonial-era land reforms disrupted these traditional systems, leading to the erosion of land-based spirituality and governance structures (Adnan, 2004; Podder, 2021). One of the most pressing challenges for the Garo Indigenous peoples has been land dispossession (Adnan, 2004). The conversion of their communal territories into private property, combined with state-led development projects and capitalist expansion, has resulted in widespread land grabbing and forced migration (Perkins, 2019). As their communal lands were taken over, many Garo people were displaced, particularly women, who historically held leadership roles in land governance (Podder, 2021; Wazed, 2012). Without legal recognition of their ancestral land tenure, Garo families faced displacement, pushing them into urban centers such as Dhaka, where they encountered economic instability and cultural dislocation (Guhathakurta, 2015). This displacement not only disrupted their traditional way of life but also weakened intergenerational knowledge transmission and Indigenous identity (Talukdar & Gupta, 2020).

Migration to Dhaka has dramatically altered the socio-economic and cultural landscape for Garo Indigenous women. While migration was initially a survival strategy to escape land dispossession and economic hardship, it has resulted in increased vulnerability to urban poverty, gender-based discrimination, and labor exploitation. Many Garo women find employment in low-wage, labor-intensive sectors such as domestic work, beauty services, and garment factories, where they are exposed to extreme heat, workplace exploitation, and economic precarity (Guhathakurta, 2015). The effects of climate change—such as increasing urban heatwaves and environmental degradation—exacerbate these conditions, disproportionately affecting women who work in informal sectors with minimal labor protections.

The forced migration due to the climate crisis from rural to urban life has also altered gender dynamics within the community. Historically, Garo women played central roles in decision-making due to their matrilineal traditions. However, urbanization and religious conversion have introduced patriarchal structures that have gradually displaced women from leadership roles. The climate crisis further complicates the situation for Garo Indigenous women in Dhaka. Heatwaves, irregular rainfall, and environmental hazards have direct consequences on their health, economic stability, and social well-being. Studies indicate that Indigenous women are disproportionately impacted by climate disasters due to socio-economic barriers, and in some cases, they are 14 times more likely to die in such events compared to non-Indigenous populations (Perkins, 2019). Many Garo women in Dhaka live in informal settlements or rented accommodations with limited access to cooling, clean water, and healthcare, making them particularly vulnerable to extreme weather events (Roy, 2021).

Despite the challenges, Garo Indigenous women in Dhaka are actively engaging in climate resilience efforts. Many have adapted their traditional knowledge to urban settings, implementing rooftop gardens, using herbal medicine for climate-related illnesses, and advocating for community-led cooling strategies. Women’s advocacy groups have also pushed for workplace protections against heat stress and access to financial resources for Indigenous-led sustainability projects. This paper aims to address existing research gaps by exploring the intersection of climate change, shifting gender dynamics, and community-driven solutions among Garo Indigenous women in Dhaka. Centering Indigenous voices and employing decolonial research methodologies, this work contributes new insights into how climate resilience can be strengthened through culturally rooted, gender-sensitive approaches. The overall objective of this study is to examine how urban Garo Indigenous women experience the climate crisis and how they draw upon Indigenous spirituality, traditional ecological knowledge, and community-led practices to develop locally grounded climate adaptation strategies. To achieve this objective, the study addresses three specific aims:

  1. Identifying the specific impacts of climate change on Garo Indigenous women in Dhaka, including heat stress, water scarcity, and livelihood disruption.

  2. Examining shifts in Garo spirituality and their implications for cultural and environmental sustainability in an urban context.

  3. Highlighting community-led solutions and policy recommendations that support Indigenous climate adaptation efforts.

Garo Indigenous women in Dhaka represent a critical case study of how urban Indigenous communities navigate climate change, gender marginalization, and cultural transformation. Their experiences underscore the need for urgent policy interventions, greater recognition of Indigenous knowledge systems, and community-driven resilience strategies. Centering their voices and advocating for equitable climate adaptation, this research contributes to broader discussions on Indigenous environmental justice, gender equity, and urban sustainability.

The remainder of this paper is organized as follows. First, we present the researcher positionality to explain our relationships with the Garo Indigenous community and the decolonial commitments guiding this research. Next, we introduce the decolonial theoretical framework that informed the study. We then describe the research methodology, including participant recruitment, deep listening, Indigenous storytelling, and thematic analysis. The findings are organized into key themes emerging from participants’ stories, followed by a discussion of their implications for Indigenous climate justice, environmental governance, and community-led adaptation. Finally, the paper concludes with recommendations for policy, research, and practice.

Researcher Positionality

This research emerged through long-term relationships between the research team and the Garo Indigenous community in Bangladesh rather than through a one-time research project. Our work is informed by decolonial research principles that recognize Indigenous communities as knowledge holders, co-teachers, and collaborators rather than research subjects. We approached this research with humility, acknowledging that the community possesses expertise regarding their own environmental histories, cultural practices, and climate adaptation strategies.

Several members of the research team have worked alongside Indigenous communities in Bangladesh for many years on issues related to climate justice, land rights, community resilience, and Indigenous self-determination. These long-standing relationships enabled trust-building before, during, and after the research process. We prioritized reciprocal learning through deep listening, storytelling, and ongoing dialogue. Throughout the study, we remained critically attentive to our own social locations, assumptions, and responsibilities as researchers. We recognize that academic institutions have historically contributed to colonial forms of knowledge production that marginalized Indigenous voices. Consequently, we intentionally sought to privilege Garo women’s lived experiences and interpretations throughout every stage of the research, including study design, data collection, analysis, and interpretation.

We understand positionality as an ongoing ethical commitment rather than a one-time declaration. Therefore, reflexive discussions among the research team continued throughout the analysis to ensure that participants’ voices remained central and that interpretations accurately reflected community perspectives.

Theoretical Framework and Methodology

A decolonial research framework represents a vital and transformative approach to research that endeavors to confront and rectify the enduring repercussions of colonialism within academia and beyond (Datta, 2018; Wilkens & Datchoua-Tirvaudey, 2022). A decolonial research framework is an approach that challenges colonial power structures in knowledge production, centering Indigenous voices, knowledge systems, and self-determination while fostering respectful research practices (Datta, 2018; 2025). This framework acknowledges that colonialism has profoundly influenced the historical landscape and has left its mark on the methodologies, perspectives, and epistemologies employed in research (Datta, 2023). Decolonial research strives to deconstruct and disrupt prevailing narratives and structures of historically marginalized Indigenous and other underrepresented communities (Wilkens & Datchoua-Tirvaudey, 2022; Menton et al., 2020). It recognizes that traditional research practices often perpetuate power imbalances, objectify, and exploit Indigenous knowledge and peoples. Hence, a decolonial research framework endeavors to center Indigenous voices, knowledge systems, and worldviews while critically examining how colonialism has influenced the research process (Wilson, 2008).

Within the context of a decolonial research framework, the primary emphasis is on cultivating respectful and equitable partnerships with Indigenous communities and other marginalized groups. This approach places great value on the self-determination and sovereignty of these communities, enabling them to define research priorities and methodologies. It also underscores the importance of researchers acknowledging their positionality and biases while actively working to minimize harm and uphold ethical research practices (Smith, 2012). A decolonial research framework serves as a call to action, urging a reevaluation and reshaping of the research landscape, to foster a more inclusive, equitable, and decolonized approach to knowledge production that respects the diverse ways of knowing and being within Indigenous and marginalized communities. A decolonial framework is particularly appropriate for this study because the climate experiences of Garo Indigenous women cannot be understood solely through environmental or vulnerability perspectives. Their experiences are shaped by the ongoing effects of colonial land dispossession, religious transformation, gender restructuring, and the marginalization of Indigenous knowledge systems. A decolonial framework therefore provides an analytical lens for understanding how Indigenous women reclaim environmental stewardship, cultural identity, and climate resilience through community-led practices.

Methodology

Participants. This qualitative study involved 15 Garo Indigenous women residing in Dhaka, Bangladesh. Participants were recruited using purposive and community-based sampling with assistance from community leaders. Participants represented different age groups, occupations, migration histories, and community leadership roles. Eligibility required participants to self-identify as members of the Garo Indigenous community and possess lived experience related to climate change and urban adaptation.

Methods. Following the decolonial research framework, we used deep listening and Indigenous storytelling techniques. In August 2023, we learned stories from the urban-residing Garo community, all while adhering to traditional Indigenous customs and ceremonies. Deep listening was a fundamental strategy, essential for demonstrating respect and honor towards the perspectives of Indigenous communities. During our story-sharing sessions, we deliberately shifted away from traditional, colonial-style interview methods, choosing instead to focus on the community’s needs and their lived climate stories. Guided by Indigenous research protocols, we invited community members to share their experiences of the climate crisis—the challenges they faced, the ways it disrupted their daily lives, and their aspirations for building climate adaptation grounded in their traditional land-based practices. The process was deeply shaped by the wisdom of Indigenous Elders, who guided us through both collective and individual storytelling. Their insights illuminated the depth of community knowledge and traditions, fostering an environment of trust and respect. As researchers, we embraced our role as learners, setting aside any pretense of authority. The community, in turn, became our teachers, generously sharing their experiences and perspectives. This reciprocal exchange not only enriched our understanding but also reinforced the importance of decolonizing the research process to truly honor and amplify Indigenous voices.

Given that Indigenous stories are inherently tied to the land, characterized by the land, language, and the essence of the people, storytelling plays a crucial role in reestablishing a connection with land-based learning (Datta, 2025). In addition to following traditional Indigenous rituals and ceremonies, we also adhered to established institutional research methodologies. Alongside deep listening and Indigenous storytelling, we incorporated reflective writing to deeply contemplate our research findings and experiences. We maintain these records to grant ourselves autonomy and the freedom to engage in unencumbered reflection. In doing so, we enhance our concentration and elevate the quality of our research. Our strong commitment to upholding ethical protocols was evident in our unwavering dedication to preserving the privacy and confidentiality of the participants, as well as demonstrating respect and gratitude towards them. Given the vulnerable status of the Garo Indigenous people, it was imperative to safeguard their privacy. Furthermore, we ensured that the participants’ involvement was informed and voluntary, in line with ethical research standards. The study received ethics approval from the Mount Royal University, and informed consent was obtained from all participants.

Data Analysis

Audio-recorded storytelling sessions, field notes, and reflective journals were transcribed and analyzed using reflexive thematic analysis. Analysis followed six iterative stages: (1) familiarization with the stories through repeated reading; (2) generation of initial codes; (3) identification of emerging patterns; (4) collaborative development of themes through discussion among the research team; (5) refinement of themes through continuous comparison with participants’ narratives; and (6) interpretation through a decolonial theoretical framework. Throughout the analysis, participants’ stories remained central to the interpretation process, ensuring that themes reflected Indigenous meanings rather than externally imposed categories. Four major themes emerged from the participants’ narratives: (1) spirituality and environmental stewardship; (2) traditional knowledge for climate adaptation; (3) knowledge exchange between rural and urban communities; and (4) community-led adaptation strategies. These themes repeatedly appeared across participants’ stories and were collaboratively refined during the analysis.

Results: Learning Reflections from the Garo Community of Bangladesh

The findings highlight the experiences of Garo Indigenous women in Dhaka as they navigate climate change, urban adaptation, and shifting cultural dynamics. Despite challenges such as extreme heat and environmental degradation, they continue to apply traditional knowledge in innovative ways, including rooftop gardening, herbal medicine, and sustainable weaving practices. Additionally, Garo women are leading community-driven initiatives, advocating for green spaces, improved workplace protections, and policy recognition of Indigenous-led climate adaptation strategies to enhance resilience in urban settings.

Migration and Urban Resettlement of Garo Women in Dhaka

The Garo Indigenous women of Bangladesh, traditionally residing in the Garo Hills and Mymensingh district, have increasingly migrated to Dhaka due to economic pressures, land dispossession, and climate change. In Dhaka, neighborhoods such as Kalachandpur and Baridhara have become known as “Garo neighborhoods,” where both affluent and working-class Garo women have settled. While some women have established small businesses, others work in low-wage labor sectors, making them vulnerable to urban challenges such as rising temperatures, housing insecurity, and limited access to climate adaptation resources.

This study engaged with Garo women in Dhaka to explore how migration has affected their environmental knowledge, spirituality, and adaptive practices. Drawing on deep listening and Indigenous storytelling, the research identified key themes: spirituality and environmental stewardship, traditional climate adaptation knowledge, and intergenerational knowledge exchange in urban settings.

Spirituality and Environmental Stewardship in an Urban Context

Garo spirituality is deeply tied to their ancestral land, shaping their environmental practices. However, migration to Dhaka has disrupted traditional ecological stewardship. An Elder-3 explained, “Our spirituality is deeply tied to the land, and when we left our villages, we lost part of that connection. We can no longer observe the same natural rhythms that guided our ancestors.” The rapid urbanization of Dhaka has made it difficult for Garo women to practice land-based spiritual rituals, further weakening their ecological traditions.

Despite these challenges, Garo women in Dhaka are working to preserve their spiritual connection to nature. Community gatherings in urban settings serve as spaces for intergenerational learning, where Elders teach younger generations about their traditional beliefs and ecological knowledge. Some women have also adapted their spiritual practices to urban life, implementing Indigenous environmental principles into everyday activities, such as growing rooftop gardens or practicing waste reduction in their households.

Traditional Knowledge in Climate Adaptation

In rural Garo communities, environmental knowledge has been passed down through generations. Although migration has disrupted these practices, many Garo women in Dhaka continue to use their traditional knowledge to adapt to the challenges of urban living.

One Garo woman-1 described her efforts to combat urban heat, saying,

We have had to adapt quickly. In our villages, we knew when to plant crops based on nature’s signals—bird migrations, wind changes. In the city, those signs are lost, but we still apply our knowledge. We grow rooftop gardens to cool our homes and use herbal medicines when heat-related illnesses rise.

Another participant-3 shared how medicinal plants remain an essential part of urban adaptation: “We teach our children about medicinal plants that help with skin diseases caused by heat waves. Even in Dhaka, we collect herbs from the market and prepare remedies our grandmothers taught us.” These examples demonstrate the resilience of traditional Garo knowledge in addressing modern environmental challenges.

Knowledge Exchange Among Urban and Rural Garo Communities

Despite the physical distance between urban and rural Garo communities, knowledge-sharing continues. Women who return to their villages bring insights about urban climate resilience, while those remaining in rural areas pass down land-based wisdom.

A Dhaka-based Garo woman-8 explained, “When I visit my family in the village, I share what I have learned about urban climate resilience—like water conservation methods we use in Dhaka.” Meanwhile, rural relatives offer agricultural insights, ensuring that traditional farming techniques remain relevant. Another woman-10 emphasized, “My mother reminds me of how to recognize healthy soil and the best times for harvesting, knowledge I try to pass on to my children.”

In Dhaka, knowledge exchange is also facilitated through organized workshops where Garo women teach younger generations about their cultural practices. One community leader-2 stated, “We hold workshops on traditional weaving, using plant-based dyes that do not harm the environment. These skills are not just cultural but also sustainable practices that connect us to our heritage.” Maintaining these exchanges, Garo women in Dhaka help preserve and adapt their Indigenous knowledge.

Community-Led Adaptation Strategies in Dhaka

Beyond individual efforts, Garo women have taken collective action to strengthen climate resilience within their communities. Rising urban temperatures have led some neighborhoods to implement cooling strategies such as tree planting and advocacy for green spaces.

One Garo woman-7 leading an initiative explained, “We started planting trees in our neighborhoods to reduce heat in our streets and homes. These small steps are making a difference, and we hope city planners will recognize the importance of Indigenous-led urban greening efforts.”

Women’s advocacy groups have pushed for workplace protections against heat stress. Many Garo women work in labor-intensive jobs, often without proper cooling infrastructure. Advocacy efforts have led to discussions with employers about implementing better working conditions. Financial support for Indigenous-led climate resilience projects has also been sought, ensuring that Garo women remain key players in shaping urban adaptation strategies.

The Impact of Climate Change on Garo Women in Dhaka

Climate change has exacerbated existing vulnerabilities among Garo Indigenous women in urban Bangladesh. The most pressing challenges include heatwaves, unpredictable weather patterns, and health impacts.

  • Heatwaves: Garo women face significant exposure to extreme heat, particularly those working in labor-intensive industries. One participant-4 noted, “July and August of 2023 were the hottest months this year, and we had no relief from the heat in our workplaces.”

  • Abnormal Weather Patterns: Many women have struggled to adjust to changing seasons, making it difficult to predict weather conditions that impact their health and livelihoods.

  • Health Impacts: Rising temperatures and urban pollution have contributed to increased cases of respiratory illnesses and skin conditions among Garo women. A participant-6 explained, “The heat is unbearable, and many of us suffer from rashes and heat exhaustion while working long hours.”

Shifts in Garo Society and Spirituality Due to Urbanization

The migration of Garo women to Dhaka has also transformed their social structures and spiritual traditions. Historically matrilineal, Garo society has seen increasing shifts toward patriarchal norms due to religious conversion and economic pressures. Before migration to Dhaka, Garo families practiced mixed farming, shifting cultivation, seed preservation, forest stewardship, medicinal plant harvesting, watershed protection, and communal biodiversity management. These land-based practices formed the foundation of environmental knowledge that women continue to adapt within urban settings.

One woman-5 explained, “The introduction of Christianity changed our cultural norms. It weakened our traditional land-based spirituality and introduced new power structures that marginalized women’s roles.” This shift has altered family dynamics, with male leadership becoming more dominant in decision-making processes.

Despite these changes, some Garo women continue to practice Songsarek spirituality, maintaining ancestral rituals and ceremonies. As one Elder-2 emphasized, “Restoring our traditional spirituality is not just about preserving culture; it is about reclaiming our role as stewards of the land, even in the city.”

Policy Recommendations for Supporting Garo Women’s Climate Adaptation

Garo women in Dhaka highlight the need for policy support to strengthen their climate adaptation efforts. Key recommendations include:

  • Recognizing Indigenous knowledge: Implementing Garo women’s environmental practices into national climate adaptation strategies.

  • Community collaboration: Strengthening partnerships between Garo communities, NGOs, and government agencies to co-develop climate solutions.

  • Workplace protections: Implementing regulations that ensure fair working conditions for Garo women affected by extreme heat.

  • Educational initiatives: Encouraging Indigenous-led environmental education programs that teach traditional knowledge alongside scientific approaches.

The findings illustrate that Garo Indigenous women in Dhaka remain active agents in climate adaptation despite the challenges of urban migration. By reclaiming their spiritual connection to nature, implementing Indigenous practices with urban resilience strategies, and fostering knowledge-sharing between rural and urban communities, Garo women continue to shape their own climate responses. Their leadership in community-led solutions underscores the critical role of Indigenous knowledge in creating sustainable and localized adaptation efforts in an ever-changing urban landscape.

Discussion

The Garo Indigenous people, an ethnic group in Bangladesh with historical origins in Tibet, migrated to Assam (India) and distinct regions of contemporary India and Bangladesh (Gain et al., 1995). Traditionally, the Garo practiced shifting agriculture, or “jhum,” as their primary means of subsistence. However, population growth and a diminishing supply of suitable hill land have rendered this method increasingly unsustainable (Perucca, 2012). Against this backdrop, this study focuses on the urban Garo community in Dhaka, examining their spirituality and the community-led solutions developed to address climate challenges.

Recognizing Indigenous Land-Based Spirituality. Consistent with Elder-3’s observation that “our spirituality is deeply tied to the land,” participants described land-based spirituality as central to environmental stewardship. This finding aligns with Podder’s (2021) observation that colonial influences have profoundly disrupted traditional Garo spirituality, replacing it with patriarchal structures that undermine women’s empowerment and perpetuate gender inequalities. These disruptions often marginalize women by restricting their access to education, economic opportunities, and decision-making processes (Guhathakurta, 2015; Podder, 2021). Addressing these challenges requires dismantling colonial narratives, fostering cultural inclusivity, and empowering women to reclaim their agency within their communities. The Garo’s deep spiritual connection to their land and traditional subsistence practices highlights the interdependence of survival and spirituality (Perucca, 2012). National and international frameworks must advocate for Indigenous rights by enacting legal measures that explicitly acknowledge collective land ownership.

Respecting the Garo Indigenous Climate Adaptations. Garo Indigenous women play a pivotal role in leading family structures and fostering climate adaptations within their communities (Pradhan et al., 2021; Solotaroff et al., 2019). Their traditional land-based knowledge is invaluable for creating sustainable strategies to address the impacts of climate change. Recognizing their leadership not only empowers women but also enhances community-wide adaption. Inclusive decision-making processes that consider the unique perspectives of Garo communities enable the implementation of effective climate adaptations that balance cultural traditions with environmental sustainability. Garo communities’ land-based knowledge offers immense potential for informing climate adaptation strategies across Bangladesh. Disseminating and celebrating this knowledge can reconnect converted Garo individuals with their ancestral practices and benefit mainstream society. Establishing networks between urban and rural Garo communities fosters a two-way exchange of adaptation strategies. Urban residents can educate rural relatives about climate resilience, while those returning to villages can revitalize traditional practices. Such efforts require collaboration between national agencies and NGOs to facilitate knowledge-sharing and network development.

Indigenous Land Rights and Climate Crisis. Displacement, loss of traditional livelihoods, and increased resource-related responsibilities further disempower women (Roy, 2021). Addressing these challenges is critical for building resilient communities and ensuring inclusive responses to climate change. The study highlights how transformations in Garo communities’ environmental sustainability efforts have led to challenges such as food shortages, poverty, and forced migration (Talukdar & Gupta, 2020).

Science Policy and Researchers’ Responsibility. This study underscores the importance of creating science-practice dialogues to bridge the gap between scientific expertise and the lived experiences of the Garo community (Malkinson et al., 2021; Vossenberg, 2013). Such dialogues enable researchers to bring scientific knowledge to the table while learning from the community’s traditional knowledge and observations. Respecting the Garo Indigenous Climate Adaptations, communities emphasized the need for science to address their everyday climate challenges meaningfully. However, they also noted that researchers often fail to implement Indigenous communities’ perspectives into decision-making processes, limiting the benefits of science-based interventions. Creating mutual respect and collaboration, researchers can empower the Garo Indigenous community to co-develop adaptive strategies and resilience-building initiatives. Implementing scientific tools with traditional knowledge ensures that climate solutions are both culturally relevant and effective. This approach promotes community ownership and facilitates sustainable responses to the multifaceted challenges posed by the climate crisis.

Strengthening Indigenous Policy Recognition

Participants consistently linked climate vulnerability to structural inequalities created through land dispossession, insecure tenure, and inadequate policy recognition of Indigenous rights. Existing climate adaptation policies in Bangladesh rarely acknowledge Indigenous governance systems or Indigenous women’s environmental leadership. Future policies should recognize Indigenous land tenure, include Indigenous women in climate planning, strengthen Indigenous-led adaptation funding, and incorporate Indigenous ecological knowledge into national climate adaptation strategies.

Conclusion

As the community emphasized, meaningful collaboration between science and traditional knowledge is essential for addressing climate challenges effectively. They highlighted the critical role of researchers as mediators who can translate complex scientific concepts into accessible information for the community while simultaneously gaining valuable insights into the local context. This reciprocal exchange enriches scientific understanding and ensures that proposed solutions are rooted in the lived experiences and cultural heritage of the Garo Indigenous people.

The community further stressed the importance of researchers genuinely listening to the women’s voices and perspectives. This collaborative approach fosters the exploration of community-led solutions, empowering the urban Garo Indigenous population to co-develop adaptive strategies and resilience-building initiatives that align with their traditions and values. Implementing local knowledge with scientific tools, this method enhances the relevance and effectiveness of proposed interventions while promoting a sense of ownership and agency within the community. Such a sustainable and community-driven response is vital for tackling the multifaceted impacts of the climate crisis.

This study illuminates the profound effects of climate change on the Garo Indigenous community, particularly through the ongoing impacts of colonialism on their land-based practices, women-led family structures, and sustainability efforts. Climate change-induced phenomena—including heatwaves, unpredictable weather patterns, health challenges, and cultural transformations—are intricately linked to the disempowerment of Indigenous women. These findings underscore the urgency of acknowledging and protecting Indigenous women’s rights, preserving land-based spirituality, and promoting the transmission of traditional knowledge.

Advocating for collaborative efforts involving government agencies, NGOs, academic institutions, and the private sector, this research calls for empowering Garo community and implement Indigenous knowledge into climate resilience strategies. Recognizing women’s leadership, safeguarding spiritual traditions, and valuing traditional knowledge are essential steps in creating resilience and ensuring that climate adaptation strategies are equitable and effective. This study exemplifies the transformative potential of a well-facilitated dialogue between science and community knowledge, demonstrating that meaningful collaboration can lead to sustainable solutions to the pressing challenges posed by the climate crisis.

Garo women in urban Bangladesh have been at the forefront of community-led initiatives to address the climate crisis and its disproportionate impacts on Indigenous communities. Despite their marginalized status, they are engaging in locally-driven adaptation strategies by forming grassroots networks that implement traditional knowledge with scientific approaches (Pradhan et al., 2021). Many Garo women are involved in community awareness campaigns, educating younger generations about climate resilience and environmental sustainability through storytelling and intergenerational knowledge-sharing (Roy, 2021). In response to increasing heatwaves, some have initiated neighborhood-based cooling strategies, advocating for green spaces and sustainable urban infrastructure (Talukdar & Gupta, 2020). Furthermore, women are leveraging collective action to secure better working conditions, access to climate risk information, and financial support for Indigenous-led initiatives, reinforcing their roles as both environmental stewards and social change agents (Solotaroff et al., 2019).

The recognition of the Garo Indigenous community as an Indigenous and Community Conserved Area (ICCA) is central to their efforts in reclaiming environmental and cultural sovereignty. ICCA identity allows Garo women to advocate for land tenure rights, emphasizing their historical role in biodiversity conservation (United Nations, 2021). By forming alliances with NGOs, academic institutions, and international climate justice networks, Garo women are amplifying their voices to resist environmental degradation and commons grabbing (Perkins, 2019). Their collective action not only safeguards Indigenous knowledge but also reinforces the necessity of community-driven governance in climate adaptation. These locally-driven initiatives underscore the resilience and agency of Garo women in navigating intersecting challenges of climate vulnerability, land dispossession, and gendered exclusion, making their role indispensable in shaping sustainable futures for Indigenous communities. The Garo women’s experiences demonstrate the urgent need for policy frameworks that recognize and implement Indigenous-led climate adaptation strategies. Key recommendations include:

  • Recognition of Indigenous knowledge in climate adaptation: National policies should acknowledge and incorporate Indigenous environmental practices in urban resilience planning.

  • Legal protection of Garo land rights: Addressing land dispossession and ensuring legal recognition of ancestral territories can help prevent forced migration.

  • Economic and workplace protections for Indigenous women: Labor laws should include safeguards against heat stress, discrimination, and unfair wages in informal employment sectors.

  • Community-driven climate adaptation initiatives: Supporting Indigenous-led urban greening projects, such as tree planting and community cooling centers, can mitigate the effects of climate change.

DOI: https://doi.org/10.5334/ijc.1580 | Journal eISSN: 1875-0281
Language: English
Page range: 241 - 251
Submitted on: May 5, 2025
Accepted on: Jul 6, 2026
Published on: Jul 29, 2026
Published by: Ubiquity Press
In partnership with: Paradigm Publishing Services

© 2026 Ranjan Datta, Arifatul Kibria, Margot Hurlbert, Barsha Kairy, published by Ubiquity Press
This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.