Pastoralist Mobility Choices and Resource Access: The Dynamics of Pastoral Systems in Eastern Sudan

3.1 Interview and field data

The fieldwork for this study was carried out in June 2023. In addition to three focus group discussions, a total of 25 semi-structured key informant interviews were conducted. Informants discussed their personal and historical background, livestock ownership, mobility type and territories, livelihood activities, and herding strategies to cope and adapt with challenges to mobility, among other topics. The assessment of change over time was derived from pastoralists’ own accounts during interviews, in which they described when and how mobility practices had shifted in relation to key local developments rather than through a predefined chronological framework. Geocoded field surveys were also conducted using a handheld GPS device to verify the location of key resources and land features mentioned by informants. Field observations were recorded to support the interpretation of some findings. The oral description of the geography of mobility and the place names given by the informants were used to produce a series of maps using Geographical Information System (GIS) software. The study also benefited from previous fieldwork carried out with Fallata pastoralists in the southern Gadarif area in September 2021.

3.2 Remote sensing data and analysis

The aim of the remote sensing data and analysis was to provide quantitative information on the spatial distribution and type of resources that are utilized by pastoralists in southern Gadarif. The analysis relied on Google Earth Engine (GEE) as a platform to run the land-use/land-cover (LULC) mapping for southern Gadarif. Band 2, 3, and 4, which has a 10-spatial resolution, from the Sentinel-2 image acquired on 04 January 2023 was used to produce the LULC map. A supervised machine learning process using the Random Forest (RF) classifier algorithm was adopted for the LULC classification of the selected imagery. The RF has the ability to handle noisy and high-dimensional datasets. The RF approach is an ensemble learning algorithm that combines multiple decision trees to improve accuracy and robustness (Avci et al., 2023).

The training data for the RF classifier were collected manually on a pixel basis on Google Earth. A total of 540 points were used to build the RF model with a setting of 400 trees. 70% of the training data was used to build the model, whereas the remaining 30% of the samples were used for validation. The accuracy of RF classification was assessed based on the User and Producer Accuracy approach and the Kappa statistic.

The field surveys showed that the LULC classes in the study area were natural vegetation, agricultural land, water bodies and wetlands, and bareland. The natural vegetation was sub-classified into dense and sparse, with dense cover dominated by large evergreen trees and located around the riverine areas of the Rahad and Atbara rivers. The sparse natural cover is typical of Savannah environments and consists of a mix of woody trees/shrubs, mainly deciduous and acacia trees, and grasses. Agricultural land was sub-divided into unharvested and harvested.

3.3 Participatory Geographical Information System (PGIS)

The Participatory Geographical Information System (PGIS) was used to better understand how the Fallata pastoralists navigate across the agriculture-dominated landscape of southern Gadarif to access resources. The four Fallata pastoralists included in the PGIS were selected through purposive sampling in consultation with local Fallata leaders, aiming to reflect diversity in herd composition, mobility strategies, and access to resources. In the PGIS sessions, key informants were provided with a printed satellite map of southern Gadarif. The map was produced from the same Sentinel-2 imagery used for the LULC analysis. GIS layers, such as road networks, settlements, and rivers, were included in the map. Mapping sessions were individually conducted with four informants. To familiarise the informant with the map, he was first asked to identify his settlement or camping area and other known and prominent landscape features. Second, the participant was asked to delineate his movement during the period from February 2022 to March 2023, identifying the places where he camped and for how long he stayed, the types of fodder and water resources used by his herd, and the locations where he separated and re-grouped the cattle herd and sheep flock.

4.1 Livestock ownership and herd composition among Fallata pastoralists

Historically, Fallata are known as cattle herders. They have their special type of cattle breed, which is locally named Kuri and is known for its tolerance to long-distance mobility. This breed also withstands the muddy conditions and flies that appear in the rainy season in southern Gadarif State. However, in the last three decades, and in response to market demand, they have also started to raise sheep. Goats are also raised in small quantities and managed together with the sheep flock. Each family also usually owns a couple of donkeys and camels, used for riding and transportation of water, luggage, camping equipment, and so forth.

Most commonly, people come to own livestock by inheritance from father to son. The other most significant way is to work as a hired pastoralist. Informants mentioned that working as a hired pastoralist for two to three years is sufficient for an active young male Fallata pastoralist to own about 40 heads of sheep and start his own flock.

4.2 Mobility types practiced by Fallata pastoralists

The mobility of Fallata pastoralists in Gadarif State encompasses mainly three types: long distance north-south movement, intermediate distance north-south movement, and east-west movement. Figure 1 depicts the three types of mobility.

4.3 Grazing resources and their spatial distribution in southern Gadarif

Compared to other parts of Gadarif, the southern part of the state holds relatively better grazing and water resources. Therefore, the majority of pastoralists in the area spend most of their annual cycle of movement in this part. The LULC analysis provides quantitative information on the availability of these resources in the 2023 dry season and their geographic distribution.

Agricultural land covers 1,798,997 hectares (86.2%) of the total land area (2,086,693 hectares) and is the dominant LULC class in the area (see Figure 2 and Figure 3). By the start of January 2023, 53.8% of the total agricultural land was harvested, reaping short-season growing crops such as sesame and early-maturing sorghum varieties. Other long-season crops, such as late-maturing sorghum varieties, sunflower, and cotton, and more recently melon and other cultivated crops, are normally harvested later in February and March.

Figure 2

Figure 3

In November each year, Fallata pastoralists in southern Gadarif start to rely on crop residues to feed their herds. Sorghum and cotton residues are the most nutritional, and therefore preferred, crops, but sesame and sunflower are also used. Pastoralists have to pay to access the residue. In the case of large-scale agricultural schemes, they pay for access to residues on these schemes in groups. Normally each large-scale agricultural scheme has its own Hafir (artificial pond dug to harvest rainwater), which is an added benefit alongside access to residues.

Natural vegetation, consisting of sparse woody and herbaceous vegetation and dense vegetation dominated by trees, represents about 6.6% (137,120.8 ha) of the total area. The dense vegetation is concentrated in narrow strips along the Rahad and the Atbara rivers while the sparse woody and herbaceous vegetation is mainly found in small pockets of forest. These are remnants of the woodland savannah vegetation which once dominated the area prior to the spread of large-scale mechanised farming which began in the 1960s. These forests are known as resting places for pastoralists. Unlike the rest of the area, the southeastern corner harbours continuous cover of this type of vegetation because it is less populated and therefore has not experienced widespread land clearance for farming purposes. Higher concentrations of this type of vegetation are also found in the eastern Al-Fashaga area along the Ethiopian border as insecurity and conflict have limited agricultural activity over the past five years.

Bareland covers about 6.3% (131,739 ha) of the area. This class consists of degraded agricultural land, roads, tracks, and small outcrops. Water bodies and wetlands represent about 0.9% of the area – the major water bodies being the Rahad and Atbara rivers. The wetlands are in the form of mayaas, which are relatively large natural depressions that extend a few square kilometres and are filled with rainwater from the early rainy season until late summer. The most prominent and largest mayaa is Sam Turum (Figure 4) where a large number of Fallata pastoralists are concentrated. As mayaas are in a state-owned land and open to assess by all users.

Figure 4

Table 1 shows the RF classification accuracy values. These values indicate that the RF classification model achieved a high level of accuracy in identifying LULC classes. Water and wetlands and dense vegetation dominated by trees reflected the highest accuracy, attributed to their distinguished spatial and spectral features. The Kappa statistic, which measures the agreement between the predicted classification and the observed classification, was 0.78 for the LULC classes.

4.4 Mobility patterns within southern Gadarif

Southern Gadarif is dominated by farming activities (see Figure 2), and is currently where most pastoralists in Gadarif State, including the Fallata, spend most of the annual cycle of mobility. This is mainly due to the challenges they face in the journey to the northern Butana area and the availability of fodder and water resources in Southern Gadarif. Based on PGIS, Figure 4 demonstrates examples of the annual cycle of mobility of cattle herds for four Fallata pastoralists within the area during the period from February 2022 to March 2023.

The four Fallata pastoralists who participated in the PGIS are identified as KI1, KI2, KI3, and KI4. KI4 is the only nomadic pastoralist. The other three are settled in villages along the bank of the Rahad River. They all own a herd of cattle and a flock of sheep. Their herds varied in size, with cattle herds ranging from 100 to 340 head and sheep flocks between 100 and 580 head. They all practice subsistence farming. In the last ten years or so, none took their cattle herd to the Butana communal land, but their sheep flocks are still taken there. Mobility decisions are made individually or through negotiation among groups of closely related families. Labour was primarily organized at the household level, with family members, especially adult males, playing a central role in herding activities. While herd management remains male-dominated, women were actively involved in milk processing, household decision-making, and the care of small ruminants, especially goats.

As shown in Figure 4, the pastoralists start their annual cycle of mobility in June from the areas in the vicinity of the Rahad River where they spend the late dry season from April to May. The first major stop for them is at Abu Sabika, and Sam Turuk and the Canadian Scheme³ Here, their herds graze on the fresh emerging grasses and access water from the rainwater collections and the maaya including in the Canadian Agricultural Scheme. Depending on resource availability and the progression of the rainy season north, the stay at these key resources may extend for about two months. Before moving northward, KI1 proceeds south to Dinder National Park (DNP) to capture the early rain showers and the fresh growth there. Before proceeding north, the pastoralists must decide whether to separate the sheep flock from the cattle herd. All four pastoralists sent their sheep to Butana, KI1 and KI3 used trucks to do move the sheep. After spending about three months in Butana, the sheep rejoin the cattle herd in February.

The second major stop is for about three months from July to October/November and is usually at one of the resting places, such as Saref Said, Shangor, or Babikeri forests (as KI1 and KI2 did) or at abandoned large-scale mechanised schemes (KI3 and KI4). Here, there is limited and restricted mobility due to these resources being intensively surrounded by agricultural fields.

By November, the four Fallata pastoralists started to look for harvested agricultural fields where they can pay field owners to benefit from their crop residues. They target smallholder owned fields because the harvest here is earlier than in the large-scale mechanised farms. From February to June, they shift to crop residues on large-scale mechanised farms. Water is obtained from hafirs around the villages and in the large-scale schemes, and from privately owned water yards during the time they rely on crop residues. For KI2, KI3, and KI4, this continued until June, when the next rainy season started. To reduce the cost of purchasing crop residues, KI1 decided to return south earlier, in the second week of April, to the area along the Rahad River to benefit from access to water and from the dense vegetation dominated by trees in that area. Then he crossed the border to Ethiopia and spent 40 days there.

In between the major stops and stays described above, the four informants made short rest stops, of a couple of days to one week, to use available resources along the way.

The four informants used officially demarcated livestock corridors, asphalt roads, earth roads connecting villages, and tracks between neighbouring schemes and agricultural fields to move their livestock and access feed and water (Figure 4). However, they do not always stick to these, particularly at the beginning of the rainy season (and start of their movement cycle) when farmers haven’t yet started to cultivate their land. During the growing season and harvest period from July to November, they are restricted to the above-mentioned routes which they use to navigate across agricultural fields and exploit available resources.

5.1 Changing Mobility Patterns

The most striking transformation is the shift from long-distance nomadic movements to more localised and intermediate-scale mobility. The long north-south movements, once a common practice, have become limited to fewer Fallata pastoralists, primarily due to the expansion of large-scale mechanised farming, which has encroached upon critical grazing lands and corridors (Sulieman, 2010). Additionally, the spread of gold mining activities in the Butana region has further complicated mobility, restricting access to traditional grazing areas. As a result, pastoralists have increasingly turned to intermediate movements that cover shorter distances. This transition highlights how socio-economic pressures, particularly land-use change, have forced pastoralists to modify their strategies to access resources without infringing on agricultural lands. In a case study from Ethiopia, Mekashaa et al. (2014) reflects similar findings, where land-use change has significantly impacted pastoralists’ mobility strategies, compelling them to adapt in various ways to access essential resources.

The reliance on crop residues from agricultural fields as a grazing resource, especially in intermediate and east-west movements, demonstrates the growing integration of pastoralism with agriculture. While this has provided new opportunities, it has also heightened the risk of conflict with farmers, especially during the harvest season, as pastoralists navigate through farmlands. A recent study (Sulieman, 2024) on farmer-herder conflict in Gadarif State highlighted that this type of conflict has significant consequences for both crop farming and pastoralism. Animal trespassing leads to crop damage and production losses, and jeopardises food security and livelihoods. Restricted mobility and heavy fines for trespassing have forced pastoralists to sell animals and have resulted in reduced herd sizes and incomes. Some pastoralists are seeking alternative livelihood options, like wage labour or crop cultivation (Sulieman, 2024).

Another important shift is the use of trucks for livestock transportation, particularly for sheep. This is a recent coping mechanism to avoid animal trespassing and theft, both of which have become more frequent in the context of constrained mobility and insecurity in the grazing zones. While expensive, this strategy enables pastoralists to maintain mobility without incurring fines or risking livestock losses, highlighting their capacity for innovation in the face of mobility constraints.

5.2 Environmental and ecological considerations

The study also underscores the importance of environmental variability in shaping pastoralist mobility. The southern part of Gadarif offers better grazing and water resources compared to other regions. This has made it a critical area where most pastoralists, including those adopting east-west movements, spend much of their annual mobility cycle. However, even in this region, the natural vegetation has been reduced due to farming expansion, leaving only pockets of forested areas and riverine zones that serve as crucial grazing and watering points.

Under normal Conditions — not subject to restrictions on their mobility, pastoralists often rely on extensive grazing systems where livestock move across large areas to balance grazing pressure, but when confined to smaller areas, these systems are disrupted. The concentration of pastoralist animals in small areas leads to significant ecological and environmental challenges. Overgrazing is one of the most immediate issues, where continuous grazing by livestock prevents vegetation from recovering, resulting in land degradation and desertification. This degradation reduces the land’s productivity and disrupts the soil’s ability to retain moisture, leading to further erosion and loss of fertile topsoil (Weber and Horst, 2011). This loss of plant diversity also affects the animal species that rely on a varied ecosystem, which can lead to broader ecological imbalances (Zhang et al. 2023).

Pastoralists’ adaptive strategies, including their choice of routes and camping locations, are increasingly shaped by the spatial dynamics of the LULC. The PGIS data illustrates how pastoralists utilise various landscape features, such as mayaa depressions and abandoned agricultural fields, to sustain their herds throughout the year. This opportunistic use of available resources aligns with traditional mobility strategies but is increasingly constrained by human-induced land use change, such as the clearance of natural vegetation and alteration of livestock routes. PGIS data has been instrumental in documenting these changes, showing how pastoralists adapt to the evolving landscape by adjusting routes and camping locations. These spatial adaptations are increasingly driven by human-induced changes, such as land fragmentation, agricultural expansion, and the development of infrastructure, which limit access to traditional grazing lands and disrupt mobility routes (Kimiti et al., 2016).

5.3 Implications for pastoral systems

The shift in the mobility of Fallata pastoralists in Gadarif State reflects broader changes in pastoral systems in Sudan and other regions, where pastoralists face constraints due to land-use change and climatic stressors. As pastoral mobility diminishes, access to diverse grazing areas is reduced, which increases the reliance on fewer, often contested resources. This makes pastoralists more vulnerable to climatic shocks, reducing their traditional resilience mechanisms (Sulieman and Young, 2023).

Studies highlight that such reduced mobility among pastoralists limits their ability to adapt to changing environmental conditions, as they become dependent on a smaller range of grazing areas. The reduction in movement distances also leads to overgrazing in certain areas, exacerbating land degradation and threatening long-term sustainability (Mekuyie and Mulu, 2021; Sulieman and Siddig, 2014). In the case of Gadarif, agricultural expansion and mechanised farming are particular challenges that make it harder for pastoralists to maintain traditional routes (Sulieman and Siddig, 2014). These insights align with broader trends observed in East Africa and other regions, where pastoralists are increasingly forced to adapt to new ecological and socio-economic realities. The increasing localisation of herd movements is a significant departure from the traditional flexibility that has long characterised pastoralism (Bassett and Turner, 2007).

Moreover, the integration of pastoralism with agriculture introduces new socio-economic dynamics, such as the need to negotiate with farmers for access to crop residues and the potential for greater market involvement. These shifts are not without challenges, particularly as they expose pastoralists to market volatility and increase their dependence on external inputs, such as trucking services.

In conclusion, the adaptive responses of Fallata pastoralists in Gadarif illustrate the complex interplay between environmental, socio-economic, and political factors that shape pastoral mobility. While they have demonstrated resilience through the adoption of new mobility strategies and integration with agricultural systems, these changes have profound implications for the sustainability of pastoralism in the region. Policymakers must consider these dynamics when designing interventions to support pastoralists, ensuring that mobility remains a viable strategy for resource access in the face of growing constraints.

It is important to note that the findings of this study must be interpreted in light of the ongoing war in Sudan, which began in April 2023. While the focus of this research is on long-term institutional and mobility transformations, the conflict has accelerated displacement and disrupted institutional functions across the country. Gadarif State, where this study was conducted, has seen a significant influx of internally displaced persons (IDPs), many of whom have arrived from Khartoum and other conflict-affected urban areas. Although rural areas and pastoralist corridors have remained relatively accessible, the presence of new displaced populations has intensified farmer-herder conflicts, competition over resources, and introduced new social and political pressures on host communities, including pastoralists (Sulieman, 2024). The fieldwork conducted in June 2023 coincided with these early displacement waves. While mobility patterns among the Fallata were not yet altered at that time, many informants expressed uncertainty about future access to resources and routes. These evolving dynamics further underscore the urgency of inclusive and adaptive policy responses that account for both historical patterns and emerging disruptions.

These findings contribute to the broader debate on pastoral resilience and adaptation in African drylands by revealing how mobility systems are being reshaped under intersecting environmental and institutional pressures. The adaptive responses of Fallata pastoralists in Gadarif illustrate the complex interplay between environmental, socio-economic, and political factors that shape pastoral mobility. While mobility is clearly diminishing, pastoralists are simultaneously reconfiguring adaptive strategies through localized, intermediate, and cross-border movements that reflect their capacity for innovation and resilience. The study further documents how these transformations are occurring within a broader context of land privatization, mechanized agriculture, and weakened customary institutions, revealing an ongoing reorganization of spatial practices that enables pastoralists to sustain access to key resources within fragmented landscapes. From this case, we learn that pastoral decline and adaptation are not mutually exclusive processes but can coexist, producing new hybrid systems that combine mobility, crop integration, and negotiated access. Empirically, the study fills a geographic gap by providing detailed evidence of how pastoral systems in eastern Sudan are adapting, and methodologically, it demonstrates the analytical value of integrating participatory GIS, remote sensing, and qualitative field data to capture the complexity of these adaptive strategies.