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Causal Theories of Threat and Success – Simple Analytical Tools Making it Easier to Assess, Formulate, and Validate Military Strategy Cover

Causal Theories of Threat and Success – Simple Analytical Tools Making it Easier to Assess, Formulate, and Validate Military Strategy

Open Access
|Sep 2022

Figures & Tables

Table 1

Competing theories of threat concerning the Russian threat to NATO in the Baltics.

THEORIESOFFENSIVE REALISM (Mearsheimer, 2001)DEFENSIVE REALISM (Taliaferro, 2000–01)
Theory of threatDecision making assumptionRational actor basing decisions on cost-benefit calculationsRational actor basing decisions on cost-benefit calculations
Intentions assumptionActors are expansionistActors are status quo oriented
If-then-because hypothesisIF opportunity for cheap expansion, THEN Russian attack, BECAUSE Russia wants to maximize security and will expand territory until costs > gainsIF NATO expansion stops, THEN no risk of Russian attack, BECAUSE Russia wants to prevent loss of security and primarily uses force to protect its sphere of influence
Internal validity – conceptual clarity and logic
  • – Clear logic and concepts underpinned by offensive realism

  • – Logical and internally consistent argument

  • – Clear logic and concepts underpinned by defensive realism

  • – Logical and internally consistent argument

External validity – empirical testing and comparison with similar historical cases
  • – Expansion in Georgia, Ukraine, Libya, Mali and Syria

  • – Putin promise to protect Russians abroad with force if need be

  • – Military build-up and exercises emphasizing offensive operations

  • – Use of force reactive and focused on protecting Russia and its allies and maintaining influence in its ‘near abroad’

  • – Limited objectives in Georgia and Ukraine (2014–15)

  • – Cooperative Russian approach in the Arctic

Threat assessmentHigh risk of conventional attackLow risk of conventional attack
NATO endPrevent conventional attackPrevent conventional attack
Table 2

Competing theories of success concerning NATO’s choice of ways and means in the Baltics.

THEORIESDETERRENCE BY DENIAL (Mazarr 2020)DETERRENCE BY PUNISHMENT (Mazarr 2020)
Theory of successDecision making assumptionRational actorRational actor
Intentions assumptionActors are expansionistActors are status quo oriented
Threat assessmentHigh risk of conventional Russian attackLow risk of conventional Russian attack
NATO endPrevent conventional attackPrevent conventional attack
If-then-because hypothesisIF NATO demonstrates capacity to deny cheap gain (fait accompli), THEN Russia will not attack, BECAUSE the benefits of attacking only exceed the costs if cheap fait accompli/quick success is likelyIF NATO signals willingness to fight if attacked and ceases from further eastern expansion, THEN Russia will not attack, BECAUSE Russia only attacks to prevent loss of territorial buffer/influence
Internal validity – conceptual clarity and logic
  • – Clear logic and concepts underpinned by deterrence by denial theory

  • – Logical and internally consistent argument

  • – Clear logic and concepts underpinned by deterrence by punishment theory

  • – Logical and internally consistent argument

External validity – empirical testing and comparison with similar historical cases
  • – Russian use of force in Georgia, Ukraine and Syria driven by expectation of quick decisive success

  • – Regional balance of power favouring Russia, proximity and terrain enable offence

  • – Military modernization enabling offence

  • – Russian use of force in Georgia, Ukraine and Syria sought to prevent loss of influence

  • – Limited objectives in Georgia and Ukraine (2014–15)

  • – general balance of power favouring NATO reduces risk of war

  • – Military modernization enabling defence

Best ways and meansDeployment of 7 brigades in the Baltic regionDeployment of tripwire force in Baltic region
RiskMoscow fear of NATO surprise attack triggers Russian pre-emptionRussian conventional attack overrunning tripwire force creating a quick and cheap fait accompli.
Figure 1

Sphere of influence explanation of Russian use of force in Ukraine (Mearsheimer 2014).

Table 3

Realist Balance of Power Theory (Mearsheimer 2014).

THEORIES
Theory of threatDecision making assumptionRational actors basing decisions on cost-benefit calculations
Intentions assumptionActors balance military threats to their national security by all means necessary2
If-then-because hypothesisIF Russia perceives Ukrainian membership of NATO as likely, THEN Russia will use force to prevent it, BECAUSE Russia views NATO expansion as a threat to national security and wants to maintain/maximize its power and influence
Internal validity – conceptual clarity and logic
  • – Clear logic and concepts underpinned by realist balance of power theory

  • – Logical and internally consistent argument

External validity – empirical testing and comparison with similar historical cases
  • – Repeated Russian warnings that Ukrainian NATO (and EU) membership was unacceptable

  • – Russian threats to use force to prevent this outcome

  • – Russian use of force against Georgian in 2008 in response to NATO promise to admit Georgia and the Ukraine to NATO sometime in the future

Threat assessmentHigh risk of Ukrainian NATO membership
Russian endPrevent Ukrainian NATO membership and loss of sphere of influence
Best ways and meansQuick use of force (fait accompli) to prevent Ukrainian membership of NATO
Table 4

Three theories of success indicating how NATO-Russian relations can be improved.

THEORIESSPHERES OF INFLUENCE THEORY (Allison 2020)REASSURANCE THEORY(Stein 1991)POSITIVE ENGAGEMENT THEORY NINCIC (2010)
Theory of successDecision making assumptionRational actorRational actorRational actor
Intentions assumptionRussia seeks to maintain a sphere of influence close to homeRussia seeks to maintain a sphere of influence close to homeRussia seeks great power recognition and partnership with NATO on equal terms
NATO long-term endPeaceful co-existencePeaceful co-existence; reduce risk of miscalculation and inadvertent escalationTransform Russia from enemy to friend
If-then-because hypothesesIF NATO refrains from expanding further East and from interfering militarily in the Russian sphere, THEN Russia will cease its use of (hybrid) warfare, BECAUSE it is motivated by fear of NATO expansion/aggressionIF NATO signals restraint and lack of hostile intent, THEN Russia will reciprocate thus paving the way for diplomatic negotiations, BECAUSE Russian hostility is motivated by fear of NATO expansion/aggressionIF NATO offers Russia inducements for cooperation, THEN Russia will reciprocate and initiate a virtuous spiral of cooperation, BECAUSE the gains involved will have a transformative impact on Russia-NATO relations in the longer term
Internal validity – conceptual clarity and logic
  • – Clear logic and concepts underpinned by sphere of influence theory

  • – Logical and internally consistent argument

  • – Clear logic and concepts underpinned by reassurance theory

  • – Logical and internally consistent argument

  • – Clear logic and concepts underpinned engagement theory

  • – Logical and internally consistent argument

External validity – empirical testing and comparison with similar historical casesMutual recognition of Western and Soviet spheres of influence stabilized Western Europe after 1945Western reassurance helped to stabilize Soviet-US relations during the Cold War and prevent inadvertent escalationWestern use of inducements improved relations between Russia and the West in the 1990s
Best ways and meansStop of further NATO expansion to the East
  • – Confidence and Security Building Measures (CSBMs)

  • – Agreements aimed at preventing dangerous military incidents

  • – Offer of inducements in return for cooperation on various issues of Western interest

  • – Support for actors and organisations interested in rapprochement with the West

Risks
  • – Escalation of tensions where zones of influence overlap;

  • – Undermining of liberal world order;

  • – Invites further Russian expansion (Brands 2020)

Restraint may be mistaken for weakness
  • – Russia regards Western support for Western values inside Russia as hybrid warfare

  • – No prospects for democratic reform in Russia in the near-medium term

DOI: https://doi.org/10.31374/sjms.164 | Journal eISSN: 2596-3856
Language: English
Page range: 177 - 191
Submitted on: Jun 22, 2022
Accepted on: Jul 5, 2022
Published on: Sep 9, 2022
In partnership with: Paradigm Publishing Services
Publication frequency: 1 issue per year

© 2022 Peter Viggo Jakobsen, published by Scandinavian Military Studies
This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.