Table 1
Competing theories of threat concerning the Russian threat to NATO in the Baltics.
| THEORIES | OFFENSIVE REALISM (Mearsheimer, 2001) | DEFENSIVE REALISM (Taliaferro, 2000–01) | |
|---|---|---|---|
| Theory of threat | Decision making assumption | Rational actor basing decisions on cost-benefit calculations | Rational actor basing decisions on cost-benefit calculations |
| Intentions assumption | Actors are expansionist | Actors are status quo oriented | |
| If-then-because hypothesis | IF opportunity for cheap expansion, THEN Russian attack, BECAUSE Russia wants to maximize security and will expand territory until costs > gains | IF NATO expansion stops, THEN no risk of Russian attack, BECAUSE Russia wants to prevent loss of security and primarily uses force to protect its sphere of influence | |
| Internal validity – conceptual clarity and logic |
|
| |
| External validity – empirical testing and comparison with similar historical cases |
|
| |
| ⟹ Threat assessment | High risk of conventional attack | Low risk of conventional attack | |
| NATO end | Prevent conventional attack | Prevent conventional attack | |
Table 2
Competing theories of success concerning NATO’s choice of ways and means in the Baltics.
| THEORIES | DETERRENCE BY DENIAL (Mazarr 2020) | DETERRENCE BY PUNISHMENT (Mazarr 2020) | |
|---|---|---|---|
| Theory of success | Decision making assumption | Rational actor | Rational actor |
| Intentions assumption | Actors are expansionist | Actors are status quo oriented | |
| ⟹ Threat assessment | High risk of conventional Russian attack | Low risk of conventional Russian attack | |
| NATO end | Prevent conventional attack | Prevent conventional attack | |
| If-then-because hypothesis | IF NATO demonstrates capacity to deny cheap gain (fait accompli), THEN Russia will not attack, BECAUSE the benefits of attacking only exceed the costs if cheap fait accompli/quick success is likely | IF NATO signals willingness to fight if attacked and ceases from further eastern expansion, THEN Russia will not attack, BECAUSE Russia only attacks to prevent loss of territorial buffer/influence | |
| Internal validity – conceptual clarity and logic |
|
| |
| External validity – empirical testing and comparison with similar historical cases |
|
| |
| ⟹ Best ways and means | Deployment of 7 brigades in the Baltic region | Deployment of tripwire force in Baltic region | |
| Risk | Moscow fear of NATO surprise attack triggers Russian pre-emption | Russian conventional attack overrunning tripwire force creating a quick and cheap fait accompli. | |

Figure 1
Sphere of influence explanation of Russian use of force in Ukraine (Mearsheimer 2014).
Table 3
Realist Balance of Power Theory (Mearsheimer 2014).
| THEORIES | ||
|---|---|---|
| Theory of threat | Decision making assumption | Rational actors basing decisions on cost-benefit calculations |
| Intentions assumption | Actors balance military threats to their national security by all means necessary2 | |
| If-then-because hypothesis | IF Russia perceives Ukrainian membership of NATO as likely, THEN Russia will use force to prevent it, BECAUSE Russia views NATO expansion as a threat to national security and wants to maintain/maximize its power and influence | |
| Internal validity – conceptual clarity and logic |
| |
| External validity – empirical testing and comparison with similar historical cases |
| |
| ⟹ Threat assessment | High risk of Ukrainian NATO membership | |
| Russian end | Prevent Ukrainian NATO membership and loss of sphere of influence | |
| ⟹ Best ways and means | Quick use of force (fait accompli) to prevent Ukrainian membership of NATO | |
Table 4
Three theories of success indicating how NATO-Russian relations can be improved.
| THEORIES | SPHERES OF INFLUENCE THEORY (Allison 2020) | REASSURANCE THEORY(Stein 1991) | POSITIVE ENGAGEMENT THEORY NINCIC (2010) | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Theory of success | Decision making assumption | Rational actor | Rational actor | Rational actor |
| Intentions assumption | Russia seeks to maintain a sphere of influence close to home | Russia seeks to maintain a sphere of influence close to home | Russia seeks great power recognition and partnership with NATO on equal terms | |
| NATO long-term end | Peaceful co-existence | Peaceful co-existence; reduce risk of miscalculation and inadvertent escalation | Transform Russia from enemy to friend | |
| If-then-because hypotheses | IF NATO refrains from expanding further East and from interfering militarily in the Russian sphere, THEN Russia will cease its use of (hybrid) warfare, BECAUSE it is motivated by fear of NATO expansion/aggression | IF NATO signals restraint and lack of hostile intent, THEN Russia will reciprocate thus paving the way for diplomatic negotiations, BECAUSE Russian hostility is motivated by fear of NATO expansion/aggression | IF NATO offers Russia inducements for cooperation, THEN Russia will reciprocate and initiate a virtuous spiral of cooperation, BECAUSE the gains involved will have a transformative impact on Russia-NATO relations in the longer term | |
| Internal validity – conceptual clarity and logic |
|
|
| |
| External validity – empirical testing and comparison with similar historical cases | Mutual recognition of Western and Soviet spheres of influence stabilized Western Europe after 1945 | Western reassurance helped to stabilize Soviet-US relations during the Cold War and prevent inadvertent escalation | Western use of inducements improved relations between Russia and the West in the 1990s | |
| ⟹ Best ways and means | Stop of further NATO expansion to the East |
|
| |
| Risks |
| Restraint may be mistaken for weakness |
| |
