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        <title>Studies in Chinese Linguistics Feed</title>
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        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[De in Focus: Two Days of Vibrant Discourse at the 10th Inter-Regional Forum on Dialectal Grammar]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/scl-2025-0002</link>
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            <pubDate>Wed, 08 Jul 2026 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[The 10th Inter-Regional Forum on Dialect Grammar took place at The Chinese University of Hong Kong (CUHK) in 2024, organized by the T. T. Ng Chinese Language Research Centre of the Institute of Chinese Studies. Centred on the sentence-final particle de across Sinitic varieties, the two-day programme featured a keynote address by Professor Yen-hui Audrey Li (CUHK / University of Southern California) alongside 26 academic presentations by authors from 15 institutions, marking the 10th anniversary of this regional scholarly dialogue.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
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            <title><![CDATA[The Syntax of Causal Clauses in Taiwan Southern Min]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/scl-2025-0001</link>
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            <pubDate>Tue, 30 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[Causal clauses in Taiwan Southern Min (TSM) are an issue that has long been ignored. Based on data drawn from corpora and recordings, by means of a diagnostic based on locality effect (Pan and Paul 2018; Pan and Zhu 2023), we argue that in’ui ‘because’ in TSM is uniformly an adverb and that topicalized objects are tolerated in S-initial causal clauses but prohibited in S-final causal clauses. Further, we propose that the external structure of causal clauses is either adjunction or predication, rather than coordination, via diagnostics regarding sentence final particles (SFPs), clause types, and scope-related factors. The diagnostic results reveal that the existence of high SFPs and the scope of negation are not necessary conditions for determining whether a causal clause in TSM qualifies as a root clause; instead, the diversity of force and quantification binding play a decisive role in defining the root status of a causal clause. With this, the external structure of causal clauses in TSM can be categorized into four types in terms of central adverbial clauses (CACs) and peripheral adverbial clauses (PACs) (Heagman 2012, 2014): (i) S-initial causal clauses, which are CACs, left-adjoined to the main clause below ForceP; (ii) irreversible S-final causal clauses, also CACs, right-adjoined to the main clause below ForceP; (iii) reversible S-final causal clauses, PACs, right- or left-adjoined to the main clause above ForceP; (iv) si-S-final causal clauses, which serve as predicates and are predicated of the main clause as a subject, are neither CACs nor PACs.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
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        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Theoretical Precision and Cross-Linguistic Breadth: A Review of the 6th International Workshop on Syntactic Cartography]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/scl-2025-0004</link>
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            <pubDate>Tue, 30 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[The 6th International Workshop on Syntactic Cartography (IWSC) took place at The Chinese University of Hong Kong (CUHK) in 2025, marking the 10th anniversary of the prestigious event. Sponsored by the Faculty of Arts, CUHK, the Workshop was jointly organized by the International Association of Syntactic Cartographic Studies (IAOSCS) and multiple key units at CUHK, including the T.T. Ng Chinese Language Research Centre of the Institute of Chinese Studies, the Department of Chinese Language and Literature, and the Department of Japanese Studies. Centring on syntactic issues related to the “D” domain, the event featured keynote speeches by Professor C.-T. James Huang (Harvard University / National Taiwan Normal University) and Professor Luigi Rizzi (Collège de France / University of Siena), alongside 48 presentations by scholars worldwide.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
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        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Theoretical Pluralism and Empirical Granularity: A Review of the Greater Bay Area Forum on Chinese Grammar]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/scl-2024-0005</link>
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            <pubDate>Tue, 30 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[The Greater Bay Area Forum on Chinese Grammar convened at The Chinese University of Hong Kong (CUHK) in June 2024. Organized by the T.T. Ng Chinese Language Research Centre of the Institute of Chinese Studies at CUHK and co-organized by the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao University Alliance for Chinese, the Forum gathered regional scholars to showcase the latest linguistic advancements, with a particular emphasis on cross-linguistic and cross-dialectal variations. Integrating synchronic and diachronic perspectives, participants engaged in rigorous academic dialogues on cutting-edge topics in Chinese grammar, fostering a robust scholarly community in the region.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
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        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Linguistic Convergence and Typological Evolution: A Report on the International Symposium on Silk Road Linguistics]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/scl-2024-0004</link>
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            <pubDate>Tue, 30 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[The International Symposium on Silk Road Linguistics was held at The Chinese University of Hong Kong (CUHK) in May 2024. Hosted by the T.T. Ng Chinese Language Research Centre of the Institute of Chinese Studies at CUHK and sponsored by the CUHK Research Summit Series, the two-day event featured seven invited speeches alongside 42 academic presentations addressing diverse issues in Silk Road linguistics. Bringing together researchers from eight countries – including China, Germany, Finland, France, Japan, Kazakhstan, Morocco, and the United States – the Symposium drew an audience of nearly 100 participants, fostering a robust international dialogue.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Control Types or Complement Types? On the Licensing of Overt Controlees in Mandarin Chinese]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/scl-2025-0003</link>
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            <pubDate>Tue, 30 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[Aligning with other languages, Mandarin Chinese allows overt controlees in control constructions. A debate on the status and licensing of overt controlees has arisen recently. D. Li (2024) argues that the distinction between exhaustive control and partial control is closely related to the occurrence of overt controlees, whereas only partial control verbs allow overt controlees. On the contrary, following the Implicational Complementation Hierarchy (ICH) framework, He (2024) proposes that only Situation complements allow overt controlees. In this study, we argue against D. Li’s (2024) conclusions and provide counterexamples to her findings. We find that some exhaustive control verbs allow overt controlees as well, and in Mandarin Chinese an utterance with a control verb is not always an obligatory control construction. Therefore, our new observation supports He’s (2024) proposal, and we further argue that ICH is a better way to describe the distribution of overt controlees in Mandarin Chinese, and coercion makes it possible for a sentence with a control verb to change into a non-control construction.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[The Syntax of Cantonese Ho2 Revisited: Sentence-final Particle and Pro-sentence]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/scl-2024-0001</link>
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            <pubDate>Fri, 02 May 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[This paper re-examines the syntactic properties of the sentence-final particle (henceforth, SFP) ho2 in Hong Kong Cantonese (henceforth, Cantonese). Despite studies such as Lam 2014, Tang 2020, and Law et al. 2024, variation persists among native speakers in their judgments regarding the acceptability of SFP clusters such as me1-ho2. Additionally, Law et al.’s (2024) preliminary observation that ho2 involves an addressee shift remains underexplored. To address these issues, this paper investigates whether ho2 can co-occur with the class of Degree SFPs (Tang 2015a). The results reveal that there are two distinct ho2s: one operating at the propositional level and the other at the speech act level. To capture this contrast, I propose that ho2[A] is an SFP occupying the head of F3P, which is one of the layers of the split-FP under the cartographic approach (Tang 2015b). On the other hand, ho2[B] is a pro-sentence merged with the antecedent sentence by an empty conjunction, forming a general conjunctive structure. The proposed account provides better empirical coverage compared to previous literature (Lam 2014; Law et al. 2024) and enhances our understanding of the nature of the left periphery in natural languages.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
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        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Grammatical Multifunction via Causativity: Evidence from Morpheme Po55 in the Yanzhou (Jiande) Dialect]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/scl-2024-0002</link>
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            <pubDate>Fri, 02 May 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[The morpheme po55 in the Yanzhou (Jiande) dialect functions as either a verb of giving or an object marker (Cao 2017). In the former case, po55 patterns with the ditransitive verb gěi in Mandarin Chinese, where the mode of transfer is semantically underspecified, while in the latter case, po55 marks distinct thematic roles of the post-po55 NP, akin to bǎ. The multifunction of po55 results from the grammaticalization pathway from verb of giving/helping to object marker, as defined by Chappell (2007). Through the extensive comparison with bǎ and bǎ-sentences in this paper, we argue that the post-po55 NP must be affected in a specific way and is always associated with the resultative state, due to the realization of the event denoted by the VP. By employing the linking framework in Randall 2010, we propose a unified treatment of po55 based on causativity, which ultimately leads to the conclusion that causativity constitutes the crucial component of the underlying Conceptual Structure of po55, while the morpheme po55 is lexicalized as a strict causative item, albeit its dual status in the grammar.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
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        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[The Difference and Motivation of the Semantic Conflation Patterns in Chinese and English Autonomous Motion Event Sentences: Path and Containers]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/scl-2024-0003</link>
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            <pubDate>Fri, 02 May 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[In English, a single sentence can be formed with only one core verb, while in Chinese, a serial verb construction is required to encode elements that are semantically equivalent to the English core verb. In English, verbs that involve no horizontal/vertical path, such as swirl, or even verbs that lack the concept of motion, such as roar, can directly enter a sentence when coupled with an element denoting the path. Yet in Chinese, the complement from a main movement verb is required. For example, verbs like xuánzhuǎn ‘swirl’ and hūxiào ‘roar’ can only function as additional elements to modify main movement verbs like fēi ‘fly’ or shǐ ‘drive’. Building on this observation, the present research investigates autonomous motion event sentences in Chinese and English, proposing that in both languages, characterizing an autonomous motion event requires the semantic conflation of its motion and path to express a concept of translational movement. The differences in semantic conflation patterns between Chinese and English can be attributed to the greater number and variety of prepositions in English. Some English prepositions, such as across, encode a directional path, while others, such as in, do not. Prepositions expressing a directional path could compensate for the absence of directional motion in non-horizontal/vertical movement verbs. However, Chinese has far fewer prepositions, and none encode a directional path, making movement verbs or directional path verbs indispensable. This study concludes that when a complement for movement is needed to characterize an autonomous motion event, prepositions expressing path perform this function in English, whereas in Chinese, the role is fulfilled by verbs.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Antisymmetry, Morphological Merger, and Chinese Resultative Compounding]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/scl-2023-0005</link>
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            <pubDate>Sat, 14 Sep 2024 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[This paper takes Chinese resultative compounds as a concrete case to investigate how the theory of antisymmetry (Kayne 1994, 2022) can be applied in the study of word formation. Drawing on the insights and techniques of the syntax of word formation, in particular Morphological Merger from Distributed Morphology (Marantz 1988; Embick and Noyer 2001), we demonstrate that the formation of the Chinese resultative compound involves operations both in narrow syntax and at the level phonological form (PF): the former involves conflation, which has to obey the left-adjunction requirement imposed by Linear Correspondence Axiom (LCA), while the latter is a variety of Morphological Merger, the Local Dislocation Merger, that occurs at or after lexical insertion, thus being immune to LCA restriction. This study emphasizes the importance of being careful about the internal mechanism of word formation, which might either be subjected or immune to LCA restriction depending on whether the combination of the morphemes occurs in narrow syntax or at PF. This paper also argues that conflation can constitute a dimension of parametric variation, which is used to explain the difference between Chinese and English resultatives in terms of the subject-manner verb thematic relationship. Additionally, a micro parameter concerning the phonological requirement of functional features in Chinese is proposed, addressing issues such as the obligatory head movement of the secondary predicate in Chinese and the necessity of a manner verb (to form a resultative compound) to causativize an otherwise unaccusative verb.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Mutually Dependent Markers in Clause Pairs]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/scl-2023-0004</link>
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            <pubDate>Sat, 14 Sep 2024 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[This paper investigates the morphosyntactic properties of the mutually dependent markers in three representative constructions in Mandarin: the disjunctive yaome… yaome ‘or…or’ construction, the metalinguistic comparative yuqi…buru ‘than… rather’ construction, and the simultaneous temporal yibian…yibian ‘when…when’ construction. It argues that the two mutually dependent markers in each of these constructions originate from the morphological split of a functional element that unifies coordinate and modification constructions.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[A Modal Analysis of the Cantonese Particle Gamzai]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/scl-2023-0006</link>
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            <pubDate>Sat, 14 Sep 2024 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[This paper offers a novel analysis to account for the semantics of the adverbial approximator gam3zai6. New data are presented, illustrating that gam3zai6 should be distinguished from its apparent scalar counterparts such as almost in English and chabuduo ‘almost’ in Mandarin Chinese. Building upon Portner’s (1998) analysis of the progressive in English, we propose a modal analysis of gam3zai6 as a prospective operator which creates an intensional context for the expressed event/state under the scope of prospectivity. We incorporate the temporal indication into the semantics of gam3zai6, enabling a unified account for the diverse interpretations of gam3zai6-sentences.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Symmetry in the Asymmetric Universe: Remarks on Kayne (2022)]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/scl-2023-0002</link>
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            <pubDate>Tue, 20 Jun 2023 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[Kayne (2022) has proposed that the asymmetry of syntax be built into the fundamental operation of Merge itself. This squib reviews some of his proposals and supporting evidence. Departing from Kayne, this squib hypothesized that the asymmetric patterns mainly lie in the functional domain of syntax, and the lexical domain may remain symmetric either within a language or cross-linguistically. The Functional Asymmetry Hypothesis (FAH) is supported by the global symmetry of the VO/OV word order, the commutative conjunction structures in the lexical domain, and the free ordering of event-internal adverbs. If the observation is on the right track, it suggests that the asymmetry of syntax, while empirically robust, cannot be entirely reduced to the operation Merge.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Towards a Theory of Morphology as Syntax]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/scl-2023-0001</link>
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            <pubDate>Tue, 20 Jun 2023 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[Phenomena traditionally thought of as morphological can be accounted for in terms of syntactic operations and principles, hence bringing forth questions that traditional morphology fails to ask (for instance, concerning the licensing of empty morphemes). The language faculty contains no specific morphological component, nor any post-syntactic morphological operations.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[The Syntax of Mandarin Long Gei Passives Revisited]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/scl-2023-0003</link>
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            <pubDate>Tue, 20 Jun 2023 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[This article examines the syntactic structure of long gei passives in Mandarin Chinese and argues against the prepositional analysis of gei in long passives. Refining the ditransitive verb analysis of Lin and Huang (2015), we propose that gei is an object-control verb which selects a vP complement rather than a CP or IP complement. By providing supporting evidence for the vP analysis through drawing a parallel from object preposing, we show that long gei passives behave on a par with sentences with verbs involving vP complementation like changshi ‘try’, not with those involving IP complementation like jihua ‘plan’. We also show that the ditransitive analysis is supported by syntactic parallels between long gei passives and typical ditransitive sentences in terms of transformation into pseudo-clefts and topicalization of the outer object. The result of this research suggests that two types of object-control structures should be distinguished. One of them involves an IP complement taken by verbs like qiangpo ‘force’, while the other involves a vP complement taken by gei/bei in long passives.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Converbs and Adverbial Clauses: A Case Study in Cantonese]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/scl-2022-0006</link>
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            <pubDate>Tue, 07 Feb 2023 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[This paper investigates an understudied topic in adverbial clauses, converbs, which are verb forms that mark adverbial subordination. Focusing on converbal clauses in Cantonese, I show that they do not share a uniform syntax and should be divided into two classes, formed by central converbs (such as conditional clauses formed by V-can1) and peripheral converbs (such as inferential clauses formed by V-dak1) respectively. The central class adjoins low to the event/proposition level projections of the main clauses and has an impoverished internal structure, whereas the peripheral class attaches high to the discourse level projections of the main clauses and has an articulated internal structure. The distinction displays remarkable parallelism with the central-peripheral dichotomy of adverbial clauses proposed by Haegeman (2003a, 2003b, 2010), calling for a unified syntax of adverbial clauses formed by converbs and by subordinators, which is achievable under an agreement analysis of converbs.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Echo Answers in Chinese]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/scl-2022-0004</link>
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            <pubDate>Tue, 07 Feb 2023 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[This paper studies echo answers to yes-no questions in Chinese with respect to their distributions, derivations, and typological patterns. We reconsider Simpson’s (2015) verb-raising analyses of verb echo answers (VEAs), finding that his analysis is inspiring in describing the significant properties of VEAs but that he has not discussed issues pertinent to the role of le in VEAs, adverbial echo answers, and multiple verb echo answers. This paper proposes that the derivation of short echo answers in Chinese is two-fold: the verb echo answer involves V-to-v movement, pro-drop, and VP-deletion; and the adverbial short answer involves focus movement and TP deletion. The aspectual markers, the post-verbal le1 denoting perfective and the sentence-final le2 encoding a change of state in Chinese, play a crucial role in determining the grammaticality of certain verb-echo answers via aspectual anchoring. This analysis avoids analytical problems posed by V-to-C (domain) (Holmberg 2016; Simpson 2015, etc.). Evidence from information focus and negative scope reversal supports this two-track analysis of echo answers in Chinese. Finally, we conclude that typologically, Chinese, a language using verb-echo answers, is close to Vietnamese and Finnish in allowing adverbial short answers and akin to Thai and Finnish in allowing multiple verb echo answers.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
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        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Rhetorical Questions and Polarity Licensing: On Cantonese Modal Sai2]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/scl-2022-0005</link>
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            <pubDate>Tue, 07 Feb 2023 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[This paper investigates the deontic modal sai2 in Cantonese. I argue that sai2 is an NPI and a negative operator is induced at the sentence-initial position by the SFPs me1 or aa4 in rhetorical questions. In SAI sentence, sai2 must syntactically agree with the negative operator for licensing, and minimality and locality effects are found in such agreement. This study may provide evidence of a syntactic approach to NPI licensing and rhetorical questions.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Subject Raising in Chinese Modal Auxiliary Verb Constructions: A-movement or A′-movement?]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/scl-2022-0003</link>
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            <pubDate>Thu, 23 Jun 2022 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[Subject raising in Chinese modal auxiliary verb constructions can be either A-movement or A′-movement. Modal auxiliary verbs such as hui and yao can take a nonfinite TP complement which cannot value the abstract case of the embedded subject. Hence the embedded subject must get its case valued by the matrix T and is raised to the Spec-TP of the matrix clause. This kind of raising is A-movement and is obligatory. Modal auxiliary verbs such as keneng and yinggai take a finite CP complement that can be assigned tense value by the broader context. The embedded subject can get its case valued and stay in situ. It can also be raised to the sentence-initial position by topicalization. This kind of raising is A′-movement. The A-movement and A′-movement contrast accounts for the minimal link condition in object raising, weak and strong quantificational NPs, topic stacking, and resumptive pronouns in Chinese modal auxiliary verb constructions.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Antisymmetry and Externalization]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/scl-2022-0001</link>
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            <pubDate>Thu, 23 Jun 2022 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[There are no mirror-image pairs of languages. This restriction on the otherwise vast set of possible languages must be accounted for, and puts boundary conditions on any theory of the human language faculty. There are implications for externalization and in the longer run for the evolution of the language faculty. Antisymmetric linear/temporal order is part of core syntax. Temporal order is partly (though not fully) integrated into core syntax via Merge itself. When two elements X and Y are merged, a relative linear/temporal order is assigned to them. At the same time, that instance of Merge assigns no relative order to the subparts of X and Y. Core syntax can explicitly have X precede Y without having any subpart of X precede any subpart of Y.]]></description>
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