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        <title>Polish Political Science Review Feed</title>
        <link>https://sciendo.com/journal/PPSR</link>
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            <title>Polish Political Science Review Feed</title>
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        <copyright>All rights reserved 2026, University of Wrocław, Faculty of Social Sciences</copyright>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Satellite Systems as an Advancement of Smart Borders in European Union Border Management]]></title>
            <link>https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2025-0016</link>
            <guid>https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2025-0016</guid>
            <pubDate>Thu, 18 Dec 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[

The current situation of a multiplicity of crises at the EU’s external borders directly affects the surveillance of the Union’s borders and its internal security. This requires the use of new and increasingly advanced technologies, which are framed by the idea of Smart Borders. Progressive crises require that ‘traditional’ methods of protecting the EU’s borders are constantly supplemented and upgraded with new technologies to ensure the security of the Schengen/Union area. One of the most important in this field is the use of satellite systems for better border management. EU agencies, the Copernicus programme and other components of the European Union Space Programme serve to strengthen border management through geospatial intelligence and imagery of the situation at borders and in pre-border areas. Of particular relevance in this respect is the EUROSUR Fusion Services referred to as a ‘system of systems’, which integrates information from satellites, radar, drones, and other sources to enable more effective threat prevention at the EU’s external borders. The aim of the article is to analyse and evaluate the utility of satellite systems in EU integrated border management (EU IBM) and to develop the Smart Borders concept with the latest satellite technologies to ensure EU security now and in the face of future challenges. Ultimately, it is pointed out that space technologies are becoming an enhancement, adding a new dimension to EU security. This leads to the creation of Future Smart Borders encompassing the support of EU IBM through evolving satellite systems.
]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[The Concept of Long-Term Sustainability of Outer Space Activities in the Context of the Ecological Safety of Space]]></title>
            <link>https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2025-0011</link>
            <guid>https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2025-0011</guid>
            <pubDate>Thu, 18 Dec 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[

The UN COPUOS Guidelines for the Long-term Sustainability of Outer Space Activities constitute a set of recommendations that are necessary to be pursued if states want to make space activities sustainable over the long term. The fact that this document was developed clearly confirms the threat for the safety of space activities conducted and for their continuation in the future. This scenario justifies the need to take adequate measures that comply with the recommendations stipulated in the Guidelines. It is, however, not possible without a proper space policy that takes account, among other things, of the pro-environmental context of the conceptual framework of the long-term sustainability of outer space activities. The main goal of this article is to demonstrate that implementing the concept of long-term sustainability of outer space activities is related to, and justifies the need for, states to guarantee the ecological security of outer space. Although the assumptions of the concept of ecological security were shaped in the doctrine of national law in response to the need to protect the Earth’s environment from various threats, the growing problem of space pollution fully justifies the discussion on the ecological security of outer space. This conclusion is reinforced by the essence of the concept of the long-term sustainability of outer space activities.
]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Book Review: Social Disciplining and Civilising Processes in China: The Politics of Morality and the Morality of Politics (2024), 236 Pages]]></title>
            <link>https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2025-0018</link>
            <guid>https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2025-0018</guid>
            <pubDate>Thu, 18 Dec 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[American, Russian, and Chinese anti-satellite Weapons: A Comparative Analysis]]></title>
            <link>https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2025-0012</link>
            <guid>https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2025-0012</guid>
            <pubDate>Thu, 18 Dec 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[

Since China’s successful test of anti-satellite (ASAT) weapons in 2007, a growing interest in this type of weapons has been observed worldwide. Attention is mainly paid to the capabilities of the Middle Kingdom (China) and the United States, while often neglecting those of Russia. However, in view of the growing rivalry between global superpowers, a return to perceiving international security in terms of “spheres of influence”, the increasing militarisation of space, and Moscow’s successful test of anti-satellite weapons conducted on 15 November 2022, it seems advisable to conduct a comparative analysis of the ASAT capabilities of the three largest military powers in the world. This article presents the technological infrastructure of the United States, Russia, and China, the anti-satellite weapons tests conducted, and the attitude of the political elites towards these weapons. During the research, studies and articles published in the following papers and released by the following institutions were used:National Defence University, Contemporary Security Policy, Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, The Space Review, The Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, Foreign Policy, Globalsecurity, Defence24, Arms Control Association, Air&amp;Space Forces, US Department of Defence, Secure World Foundation, Project2049 Institute. Before commencing the research, the following questions were formulated: Which of the three superpowers has the greatest ASAT potential? What are the means of destroying satellites, alternative to direct strike? What is the direction of the ongoing militarisation of space and the development of anti-satellite weapons? According to the author of this article, effective anti-satellite weapons are available to all three states under consideration, including direct-ascent anti-satellite weapons for the direct destruction of satellites (the US SM-3, the Russian PL-19 Nudol, and the Chinese SC-19 and DN-2), hypersonic weapons that can be used to destroy command and control centres located on the enemy’s land, hacking attacks enabling the disruption of satellite operation, rendezvous and proximity operations (RPOs) involving satellites that perform deliberate manoeuvres to get closer to other space objects, and laser or nuclear weapons deployed in space. Despite the progress made by China and Russia in the field of space militarisation, the United States’ ASAT potential is still the greatest. It comprises over 400 SM-3 missiles deployed on warships, SM-3 missiles in Poland and Romania, and 44 ground-based interceptors, with another 20 planned to be deployed in the future. Some of Russia and China’s systems are still at the testing stage and, while the exact number is not known, it appears reasonable to assume that the number of those already in use is low and the systems at hand would be treated primarily as deterrents and weapons of last resort.
]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[EU Space Policy — An Attempt to Build Strategic Autonomy]]></title>
            <link>https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2025-0015</link>
            <guid>https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2025-0015</guid>
            <pubDate>Thu, 18 Dec 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[

The European Union is trying to play a significant role in space exploration. However, it must contend with powerful competitors, such as the USA, Russia, and China. EU-led space programmes such as the ‚Galileo’ satellite navigation system and the ‚Ariane’ launch vehicles are proof of the high aspirations of Europeans. However, the costs generated by these programmes and the modest achievements they bring indicate that the EU does not have a dominant position in this area. In recent years, the Russian invasion of Ukraine has had a significant impact on the EU’s space policy, with space exploration linked to security and defence policy. It has become an important part of the strategic autonomy built by the EU. European countries have also decided to build their own missile defence system — ESSI.
]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Report on the 7th Congress of the Polish Communication Association. Katowice, 22–24.09.2025]]></title>
            <link>https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2025-0019</link>
            <guid>https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2025-0019</guid>
            <pubDate>Thu, 18 Dec 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Satellite Reconnaissance and the Privatisation of Space Warfare]]></title>
            <link>https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2025-0014</link>
            <guid>https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2025-0014</guid>
            <pubDate>Thu, 18 Dec 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[

Armed conflicts often act as a trigger for changes in the military. This is also the case of the Russia-Ukraine war. This article looks at trends in the militarisation of space, broadly understood as any military activity in outer space. It focuses on satellite reconnaissance, recognised as remote sensing from space for military purposes. Particular attention is paid to the use of commercial imagery for the purposes of armed conflict. The text focuses on the impact that the fusion of the military and commercial dimensions of space activity may have on conducting military operations and on the broader political environment. The concept of space power was adopted as the theoretical framework, with its two key factors: capacity and autonomy. The main conclusion is that although direct and indirect adaptation of solutions from the commercial sector increases the level of capacity, this trend is also a challenge in terms of autonomy, as new space economy entities gain far-reaching independence from the countries in which they operate.
]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Military Space Operations Versus Sustainable Development. Legal and Institutional Challenges]]></title>
            <link>https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2025-0013</link>
            <guid>https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2025-0013</guid>
            <pubDate>Thu, 18 Dec 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[

Militarization has been present in outer space since the start of its exploration and use. However, in recent years, it has clearly gained importance and become an undeniable necessity of our times. This involves launching government military missions and using satellite technology owned by governments or private entities for military purposes. This situation creates challenges that are not only political, but also legal, and institutional: Who should govern military space operations, and how? How the law and institutions manage military space operations may affect sustainable development goals, i.e., reconciling the needs of the present with those of future generations. This is due to the fundamental independence of military missions from the applicable legal framework and the authorities competent to supervise civilian space exploration. In this context, the author mainly refers to the impact that military space activities may have on space debris, i.e., the upstream phase. The issue is not only the threats posed by ASAT tests. It’s also about how “daily” military operations in space are designed, conducted, and managed. The author’s thesis is that the current legal and institutional approach to military missions in outer space does not align with sustainable development requirements. To change this, it is necessary to partially cover military space missions with a legal space regime and coordinate the management of these missions with authorities competent in civil space exploration regarding the application of technical safety standards. The study’s research objective is to provide recommendations for the optimal approach to military space operations that align with sustainability goals from legal and institutional viewpoints. To achieve this objective, the author analyses international and European legislation and conducts case studies of selected national space legislation and strategies.
]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[The Moon as an International Competition in the 21st Century. A Political Science Perspective]]></title>
            <link>https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2025-0010</link>
            <guid>https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2025-0010</guid>
            <pubDate>Thu, 18 Dec 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[

This research article analyses the contemporary Moon race in the changing international environment, technological development and economic conditions. The following theses were verified in the research: (1) The Moon is the subject of competition between states, non-state and transnational entities; (2) the actions of the entities in the Moon race are influenced by the deterioration of international relations, including the worsening of US-Chinese relations and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine; (3) the logic of the Moon race is influenced by the involvement of non-state actors, in particular private companies and start-ups. The theses formulated were confirmed during the course of the research. The Moon race has two main consequences: the formation of strategic alliances for the realisation of milestones in lunar exploration and the driving of a new space race and competition between states. It also serves to demonstrate space power and to build international prestige. The logic of the Moon race is changing with the entry of entrepreneurs and start-ups, mainly by pushing its commercial dimension.
]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[The Cooperation of the Visegrad Group (V4) States in the Space Sector]]></title>
            <link>https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2025-0017</link>
            <guid>https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2025-0017</guid>
            <pubDate>Thu, 18 Dec 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[

The Visegrad Group has been in existence for over three decades. The four countries of Central Europe — the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia — have become a key area of regional development in many spheres — from political, through economic, to socio-cultural. The changes taking place in the immediate region of Europe, which began in 1989, primarily involved the domestic and foreign policy of the above-mentioned countries. These transformations also included relations with new neighbours and the process of European and Euro-Atlantic integration. The Visegrad Group states achieved their priority goals of membership in the European Union and NATO, which strengthened ties and cooperation. Due to the annexation of Crimea by Russia and the deepening conflict in Eastern Ukraine, which definitively changed the approach to security in the immediate European environment, defence issues dominated mutual contacts between the V4 members. Hence, the Visegrad Group states have expanded international cooperation in the space sector. Currently, according to the report of experts from the Polish Space Agency, the Visegrad Group countries participate in various initiatives in the area of space activities. The aim of the article is to present the degree of development and involvement of the Visegrad Group states in the field of space policy. The analysis of selected aspects of cooperation will attempt to answer the question about the prospects for further activity in the face of new challenges and threats of the 21st century.
]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Libertarianism as an International Political Theory]]></title>
            <link>https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2025-0007</link>
            <guid>https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2025-0007</guid>
            <pubDate>Tue, 29 Jul 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[

The present article reconstructs an often-neglected international political theory: libertarianism. In what follows, libertarianism is presented as a distinct branch of liberal theory, differing from both classical liberalism and, in particular, modern-day IR liberalism. To this end, the pillars of the libertarian outlook on international relations are reviewed: the sharp distinction between the incentive structures shaping the behavior of state and private actors in anarchy, a critique of public goods theory, the notions of decentralization and secession, and libertarian ethics of war. This reconstruction is followed by a juxtaposition of libertarianism with the major IR paradigms, especially liberalism. The article ends with several suggestions for future libertarian research.
]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[A Retreat from Congruence? Regional Coalition Politics in the Aftermath of Poland’s 2024 Elections]]></title>
            <link>https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2025-0002</link>
            <guid>https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2025-0002</guid>
            <pubDate>Tue, 29 Jul 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[

The article analyses regional coalition formation in 2024. Initial observations suggest that coalition building at that time diverged from the previous three terms, in which the aim was to extend cooperation between the national coalition partners in the largest number of regions, even if it meant building oversized coalitions. The opportunity of forming fully congruent coalitions in 2024 was limited by the fact that in four regions one-party rule of the opposition PiS party was established. Among the parties in the national coalition, two dominant patterns of coalition building were distinguished, that is PO-PSL or PO-PSL-SLD, and only one fully congruent coalition. The PO regional elite (according to the heads of regional boards) were often advocates of incumbent two-party coalitions. The small size of the regional boards was also not convenient for full congruence in the case of the four-party national coalition. However, as the third partner, SLD was invited much more often than Polska 2050, which could not be explained by the election results. To solve this puzzle, the calculation of congruence was extended to also include voivode-ship offices, with the number of what was called regional congruence then increasing, as seven regions followed full four-party congruence.
]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[The Impact of COVID-19 on Service Delivery in a Public Utility in Tanzania: Do E-Service Approaches Matter?]]></title>
            <link>https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2025-0005</link>
            <guid>https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2025-0005</guid>
            <pubDate>Tue, 29 Jul 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[

The article aims at enhancing our understanding of the extent to which COVID-19 affected service delivery in public organizations and how e-service approaches provide the potential for sustaining delivery of public services even in times of limited physical interactions. The article uses the Dar es Salaam Water Supply and Sanitation Authority (DAWASA) in Tanzania as a case study. The authors collected data from 149 respondents between June and December 2021. Findings indicate that COVID-19 affected the utility in several ways including a decline in revenue collections, delays in implementing projects, untimely payment of suppliers, and complaints from customers regarding meter readings. The article argues that e-service approaches matter in the delivery of public services. It also identifies the benefits of, and constraints to, effective use of e-services.
]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[From Cheap One-Way Tickets to Prohibitive Luxury Rides. Dumitru Popescu on Romanian National Communism and the Post-Communist Transition]]></title>
            <link>https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2025-0006</link>
            <guid>https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2025-0006</guid>
            <pubDate>Tue, 29 Jul 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[

As a main ideologue of Ceaușescu’s communist regime during the 1970s and a key public figure throughout its entire existence, Dumitru Popescu’s reflections on Romanian national communism, a local brand of national communism that he helped to create, are not to be disregarded. Likewise, special attention must also be devoted to his analyses of the post-communist transition. So far, Popescu’s political thinking has not been systematically investigated in scientific endeavors. Moreover, it tends to be overlooked or considered as a sort of appendix to his impressive body of literary works and journals. This article aims to explore and critically discuss the way Popescu’s national communism evolved during the 1970s and 1980s and how it endured and recalibrated itself in the first decades after the 1989 anti-communist revolution within a new ideological framework, that of overtly predatory capitalism. It does so by analyzing Popescu’s ideas of personality cult, social class, and youth, all representative of the official socialist discourse.
]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Security, Democratic Values, (Green) Economy: Exploring the Paradigm Shift in Germany’s Policy Towards India]]></title>
            <link>https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2025-0004</link>
            <guid>https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2025-0004</guid>
            <pubDate>Tue, 29 Jul 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[

This article examines how evolving security architectures are driving paradigm shifts within geostrategic state behaviour. Arguing that Germany-India relations are deeply impacted by these shifting geopolitical dynamics — specifically, the rise of multipolarity and increased global and regional security threats — the study traces the rationale behind the two actors’ actions and explores how the interactions between them are manifested in a reconceptualisation of German foreign policy. Employing a systemic-empirical approach and presenting a qualitative case analysis, it contributes to the study of international relations between key European and Asian actors amid transformations in the global system. The author argues for the growing significance of India within German policy objectives by studying their gradual evolution with a particular focus on security, democratic values, and (green) economy — factors considered central and evolving in the bilateral relationship. By contextualising these political trajectories bilaterally and globally, the study unpacks how the policy vis-à-vis India may serve as an exemplification of the Germany’s renewed self-conception in the Zeitenwende era: a combination of civilian power projection and a more realist orientation.
]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Solidarism, Pluralism, Or Beyond? Analysing U. S. Arctic Strategies (2013–2022) Through the Lens of the English School]]></title>
            <link>https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2025-0003</link>
            <guid>https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2025-0003</guid>
            <pubDate>Tue, 29 Jul 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[

International relations in the Arctic have often been described as exceptional. Eight Arctic states governed the region based on international law and the norms and rules defined by the region’s written and un-written law. The resulting system survived, despite challenges, until Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. In response to economic sanctions and condemnation from other Arctic states, Russia has taken a series of actions that have called into question its continued participation in the Arctic system. In this situation, the U. S. position toward the Arctic system is essential, since only this country has the potential to persuade Russia to comply with Arctic rules. An analysis of U. S. strategic documents along the lines of the English School of International Relations indicates that, starting in 2013, the U. S. strategy increasingly implemented the assumptions of the Arctic system. At the same time, it rejected the Russian concept of isolating the region and increasingly emphasised the military factor. The prioritisation of national interest while increasing the importance of elements of the Arctic system in US strategy indicates that some scholars’ interpretation of international relations in the Arctic in the spirit of solidarism is wrong. Similarly, pluralism does not provide a satisfactory answer. It is more adequate to opt for state-centric solidarism.
]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Book Review: Twenge, Jean M. Generations: The Real Differences Between Gen Z, Millennials, Gen X, Boomers, and Silents—And What They Mean for America’s Future. Simon and Schuster, Isbn13: 9781982181628, 2023, 560 Pages]]></title>
            <link>https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2025-0008</link>
            <guid>https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2025-0008</guid>
            <pubDate>Tue, 29 Jul 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[The Landscape of Political Bias in Polish Radio and Television During the Parliamentary Election Campaign in 2023]]></title>
            <link>https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2025-0001</link>
            <guid>https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2025-0001</guid>
            <pubDate>Tue, 29 Jul 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[

This article evaluates the extent of bias in selected Polish media outlets. It presents the findings of research conducted on political bias within Polish television and radio stations during the period leading up to the 2023 parliamentary elections. The study includes a content analysis of the three most popular Polish television news programs—TVP’s Wiadomości, Polsat’s Wydarzenia and TVN’s Fakty—and the news services of four radio stations—RMF FM, Radio Zet, Polish Radio (1st Program) and Radio TOK FM. All broadcasts were analysed in the month preceding election day (15 October 2023). The collected data were used to calculate visibility, exposure and overtone indicators for each participating electoral committee. These indicators were then utilised to compute the Media Political Bias Index, which enables the comparison of bias levels across different media outlets and within the same outlet at different times. The results of this index enable the identification of which news programs were the most and the least biased. The findings provide insights into the political bias landscape of television and radio stations in Poland during the specified electoral period, positioning each media outlet on a scale of political bias. The study confirms the research hypotheses, demonstrating that public media exhibited higher levels of bias compared to commercial media, both in television and radio formats. Additionally, among commercial media, those that extensively covered the election campaign showed greater bias, while those that addressed campaign topics less frequently displayed lower levels of bias.
]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Report on “Resonance, Resilience, Reconfiguration. Strategies of Social Movements in Poland After 2015” (Rezonans, Rezyliencja, Rekonfiguracja. Strategie Ruchów Społecznych W Polsce Po 2015 R.), Wrocław, April 10–11, 2025]]></title>
            <link>https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2025-0009</link>
            <guid>https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2025-0009</guid>
            <pubDate>Tue, 29 Jul 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Polarisation in Comments Under Videos Featuring Volodymyr Zelensky Published on Youtube]]></title>
            <link>https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2024-0014</link>
            <guid>https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2024-0014</guid>
            <pubDate>Thu, 09 Jan 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[
In recent years, Poland has seen an increase in ideological and political polarisation. Society is divided into various dichotomies, the largest of which is the division between the two dominant political groups in Poland: Law and Justice and the Civic Platform. Polarisation is clearly visible on social networking sites, where users do not hide their views and often conduct discussions on the Internet in a very aggressive way. The aim of this study is to characterise the polarisation among comments published by YouTube users in the context of videos featuring Volodymyr Zelensky. For this purpose, Internet users’ comments posted under five different audiovisual materials published on YouTube by five different publishers were analysed. Both quantitative and qualitative analysis (content analysis) were used to show what types of comments appeared in the context of Russia’s armed attack on Ukraine. Various types of videos were examined (from interviews, through official speeches, to parodies), allowing us to illustrate Internet users’ statements in the context of various genres of recordings. A total of 650 comments were analysed. It was found that polarisation was visible in the analysed material. Dualism is formed on the axis of pro- and anti-Ukrainian and pro- and anti-Russian. Most posts deepen polarisation by affirming the actions of the side they consider closer to themselves. The conflict between defenders of both sides ranges from insulting opposing views to insulting other authors. The discussion also included comments expressing hate speech. There was a noticeable deficit of comments toning down or calming emotions. The study therefore shows that online discussions about materials involving President Volodymyr Zelensky are characterised by a high level of polarisation, vulgarisation and hate speech.
]]></description>
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