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            <title><![CDATA[Book Review: Sung Chull Kim, China and Its Small Neighbours: The Political Economy of Asymmetry, Vulnerability, and Hedging (2023), 306 Pages]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2026-0008</link>
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            <pubDate>Tue, 14 Jul 2026 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
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        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Green Political Theory and the Crisis of Global Environmental Policy: Towards Planetary Policy]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2026-0005</link>
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            <pubDate>Tue, 14 Jul 2026 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[Global environmental Policy has become an increasingly contentious issue in international relations literature, especially in light of escalating climate threats, their transboundary nature, and the limited effectiveness of institutional responses. Mainstream theories have proven unable to offer comprehensive solutions that address the complexity of the environmental crisis. In response, green political theory has emerged as an alternative that challenges dominant anthropocentric frameworks by advocating for ecocentric, planetary-level approaches. This research explores the theoretical foundations of green political thought and critically assesses their relevance and effectiveness by tracing the evolution of the green discourse and comparing it with mainstream theories. The study finds that green political theory not only critiques prevailing models but also contributes to developing a more integrated and just vision of global environmental Policy, emphasising the interconnectedness of ecological, social, and political crises.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Secondary Migration of Syrians to Europe]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2026-0006</link>
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            <pubDate>Tue, 14 Jul 2026 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[This article aims to contribute to the discussion on the secondary migration of Syrian citizens to neighbouring countries and the EU. The thesis of the article is to claim that conflict, which is driven by insecurity, causes the desire to move. The article uses several theoretical perspectives, the most important of which is Ibrahim Sirkeci and Jeffrey H. Cohen’s concept of uncertainty and aspiration. The article is divided into several related parts. In the first part, reference is made to secondary migration as a theoretical category, invoking the theories underlying it and the motives behind the gradual migration. The second part discusses the stages of secondary migration of Syrians highlighting the conflicts underlying the decision to relocate. The next part, in turn, is devoted to the migration of Syrians to neighbouring countries and the EU.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
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        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[From Nimby to Lawmaking. Explaining the Impact of the Anti-Wind Farm Movement on Wind Energy Policy in Poland]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2026-0004</link>
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            <pubDate>Tue, 14 Jul 2026 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[In the contemporary world, including Poland, there is an increasing variety of new social movements that affect energy transition. One of them is the movement against onshore wind energy, which developed in Poland in the second decade of the 21st century on the basis of numerous controversies around the location of wind farms. The aim of the article is to explain the impact of social protests against the location of wind farms on wind energy policy in Poland, by linking the concept of NIMBY (standing for ‘Not In My Back Yard’, is a pejorative term for residents who oppose proposed local developments — such as housing, infrastructure, or shelters — near their homes, despite acknowledging the projects’ necessity elsewhere) with the concepts of social movements and energy populism. The article analyses the protesters’ motivations, their actions on local and supra-local levels, as well as actions of public authorities and institutions in relation to the anti-wind farm opposition. The article makes use of numerous source materials, including local and regional press (from regions with the highest levels of wind energy development), open letters to public authorities from opponents of wind farm siting, articles published on the websites of opponents of wind farms, documents published by public institutions, and some results of a few case-studies conducted to date. The research demonstrated how local, spatially dispersed conflicts of a NIMBY character transformed into an anti-wind movement, articulating specific demands to those in power and disseminating negative opinions about large scale wind energy using populistic rhetoric. The anti-wind farm movement has exerted an impact on higher-level Polish institutions, raising the profile of wind farm siting issues to the national level and, capitalizing on the favourable political situation, contributing to the introduction in 2016 of restrictive rules for wind farm development.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
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        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Are Public and Political Accountabilities Compatible? Evidence from Polish Municipalities]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2026-0003</link>
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            <pubDate>Tue, 14 Jul 2026 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[The article examines the question of compatibility between political and public accountability. The study is based on the research of the mayoral accountability mechanisms in Poland: the annual debate on the municipality, which culminates in the decision of the municipal council to grant or refuse the vote of confidence in the mayor (political accountability); the recall referendum and the general election of the mayor (public accountability). Authors examined debates and confidence votes in 14 non-randomly selected municipalities over the course of the five-year term (N=70), as well as the results of recall referendums and the 2024 mayoral election. The primary research findings are as follows: a) the granting of a vote of confidence to the mayor is not related to the debate on the state of the municipality; b) the sole factor that determines the decision to grant or refuse a vote of confidence is the balance of political power in the council; c) there are cases where the results of political and public accountability do not align: either a mayor who consistently received a vote of confidence was not re-elected, or a mayor who was consistently refused a vote of confidence was re-elected. The authors conclude that the investigated accountability mechanism is of a formal nature and has symbolic consequences, which undermine its utility. They also reflect upon the accountability model that informed the present study, and they propose its deconstruction into its constituent parts.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
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        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[The Activity of Local Authorities and Communities in Polish, Italian, and Slovenian Municipalities in the Opinion of Local Government Officials — An Example of Ecology]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2026-0002</link>
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            <pubDate>Tue, 14 Jul 2026 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[The purpose of the paper is to analyse the type, scope, and periods of activity of stakeholders from Polish, Italian, and Slovenian municipalities in terms of environmental protection, climate change, and ecology. It is an attempt to determine: How much influence do the authorities and the social actors have on the local decision-making process? In what situations does the local community become active? What examples of pro-ecological solutions at the municipal level are considered important by local government officials? The article uses the institutional-legal comparative method and behavioural approach (research using the online survey technique). The study shows that the lower the sense of local agency, the greater the stagnation of municipal stakeholders. Their actions result from activities forced by legal requirements or the negative effects of local decisions. The greatest sense of agency occurs among local government officials who belong to the group forming the ruling majority (the mayor and some councillors). In such a situation, the opposition minority is marginalised, which they feel during the decision-making process. Municipal authorities tend to take illusory actions in matters of the natural environment, i.e., those forced by law, which do not bring the expected results (e.g., air quality improvement) and are sometimes influenced by investors. Members of the local community most often become active when a problem, often of an ecological nature, directly affects them (protest participation), aiming at their own well-being and not environmental protection.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[The Role of Political Leaders in Regulating Collective Emotional Resilience: A Study of Leadership Communication Dynamics During a Time of Crisis]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2026-0007</link>
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            <pubDate>Tue, 14 Jul 2026 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[We investigate how political leaders regulate collective emotional resilience during periods of crisis. Our objective is to understand the mechanisms through which leaders foster emotional stability within society by analysing their communication strategies. Specifically, we examine the discursive strategies employed by Democratic leaders (President Joe Biden, and Vice President Kamala Harris) and Republican leaders (former President Donald Trump, and Senator JD Vance) in their public statements following the attempted assassination of Trump on July 13, 2024. Using Norman Fairclough’s Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), we explore how collective emotional resilience is discursively regulated. In doing so, we make three noteworthy contributions to the extant literature. First, our findings contribute to the study of leadership by testing Goldenberg’s (2024) strategies for regulating collective emotions in a real-life context. Second, we validate both the crisis leadership functions identified by Boin et al. (2016) and the resilience-building practices uncovered by Gigliotti (2024). Third, and most importantly, we extend the theory of collective emotions by introducing the concept of discursive-moral regulation, which explains how leaders shape collective emotional resilience through moral and rhetorical governance.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Interweaving the Political Form and the Social Form in Light of the History of Political and Social Thought]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2026-0001</link>
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            <pubDate>Tue, 14 Jul 2026 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[This paper explores the dynamic interplay between political and social forms, arguing that modern political science’s emphasis on the state and society neglects the foundational distinction between community and society. Drawing from classical and modern thought, it examines how ancient political structures, such as the polis, fostered communal bonds and civic virtues, contrasting this with the transactional and individualistic orientation of modern market-society frameworks. By conflating community with society, contemporary thought undermines the ability to address crises in leadership and social cohesion. Through an analysis of key political thinkers, the paper underscores the necessity of distinguishing between the organizational principles of the Political Form, which governs power and authority, and the Social Form, which shapes interpersonal interactions and collective identity. Revisiting the classical notion of the polis as the perfected community provides insights into fostering governance that prioritizes human flourishing, social cohesion, and the common good. The paper advocates for reclaiming the nuanced distinctions between community and society to develop a holistic understanding of governance that addresses modern challenges in political life and leadership.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[The Moon as an International Competition in the 21st Century. A Political Science Perspective]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2025-0010</link>
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            <pubDate>Thu, 18 Dec 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[This research article analyses the contemporary Moon race in the changing international environment, technological development and economic conditions. The following theses were verified in the research: (1) The Moon is the subject of competition between states, non-state and transnational entities; (2) the actions of the entities in the Moon race are influenced by the deterioration of international relations, including the worsening of US-Chinese relations and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine; (3) the logic of the Moon race is influenced by the involvement of non-state actors, in particular private companies and start-ups. The theses formulated were confirmed during the course of the research. The Moon race has two main consequences: the formation of strategic alliances for the realisation of milestones in lunar exploration and the driving of a new space race and competition between states. It also serves to demonstrate space power and to build international prestige. The logic of the Moon race is changing with the entry of entrepreneurs and start-ups, mainly by pushing its commercial dimension.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[The Concept of Long-Term Sustainability of Outer Space Activities in the Context of the Ecological Safety of Space]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2025-0011</link>
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            <pubDate>Thu, 18 Dec 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[The UN COPUOS Guidelines for the Long-term Sustainability of Outer Space Activities constitute a set of recommendations that are necessary to be pursued if states want to make space activities sustainable over the long term. The fact that this document was developed clearly confirms the threat for the safety of space activities conducted and for their continuation in the future. This scenario justifies the need to take adequate measures that comply with the recommendations stipulated in the Guidelines. It is, however, not possible without a proper space policy that takes account, among other things, of the pro-environmental context of the conceptual framework of the long-term sustainability of outer space activities. The main goal of this article is to demonstrate that implementing the concept of long-term sustainability of outer space activities is related to, and justifies the need for, states to guarantee the ecological security of outer space. Although the assumptions of the concept of ecological security were shaped in the doctrine of national law in response to the need to protect the Earth’s environment from various threats, the growing problem of space pollution fully justifies the discussion on the ecological security of outer space. This conclusion is reinforced by the essence of the concept of the long-term sustainability of outer space activities.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[American, Russian, and Chinese anti-satellite Weapons: A Comparative Analysis]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2025-0012</link>
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            <pubDate>Thu, 18 Dec 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[Since China’s successful test of anti-satellite (ASAT) weapons in 2007, a growing interest in this type of weapons has been observed worldwide. Attention is mainly paid to the capabilities of the Middle Kingdom (China) and the United States, while often neglecting those of Russia. However, in view of the growing rivalry between global superpowers, a return to perceiving international security in terms of “spheres of influence”, the increasing militarisation of space, and Moscow’s successful test of anti-satellite weapons conducted on 15 November 2022, it seems advisable to conduct a comparative analysis of the ASAT capabilities of the three largest military powers in the world. This article presents the technological infrastructure of the United States, Russia, and China, the anti-satellite weapons tests conducted, and the attitude of the political elites towards these weapons. During the research, studies and articles published in the following papers and released by the following institutions were used:National Defence University, Contemporary Security Policy, Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, The Space Review, The Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, Foreign Policy, Globalsecurity, Defence24, Arms Control Association, Air&amp;Space Forces, US Department of Defence, Secure World Foundation, Project2049 Institute. Before commencing the research, the following questions were formulated: Which of the three superpowers has the greatest ASAT potential? What are the means of destroying satellites, alternative to direct strike? What is the direction of the ongoing militarisation of space and the development of anti-satellite weapons? According to the author of this article, effective anti-satellite weapons are available to all three states under consideration, including direct-ascent anti-satellite weapons for the direct destruction of satellites (the US SM-3, the Russian PL-19 Nudol, and the Chinese SC-19 and DN-2), hypersonic weapons that can be used to destroy command and control centres located on the enemy’s land, hacking attacks enabling the disruption of satellite operation, rendezvous and proximity operations (RPOs) involving satellites that perform deliberate manoeuvres to get closer to other space objects, and laser or nuclear weapons deployed in space. Despite the progress made by China and Russia in the field of space militarisation, the United States’ ASAT potential is still the greatest. It comprises over 400 SM-3 missiles deployed on warships, SM-3 missiles in Poland and Romania, and 44 ground-based interceptors, with another 20 planned to be deployed in the future. Some of Russia and China’s systems are still at the testing stage and, while the exact number is not known, it appears reasonable to assume that the number of those already in use is low and the systems at hand would be treated primarily as deterrents and weapons of last resort.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
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        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Military Space Operations Versus Sustainable Development. Legal and Institutional Challenges]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2025-0013</link>
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            <pubDate>Thu, 18 Dec 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[Militarization has been present in outer space since the start of its exploration and use. However, in recent years, it has clearly gained importance and become an undeniable necessity of our times. This involves launching government military missions and using satellite technology owned by governments or private entities for military purposes. This situation creates challenges that are not only political, but also legal, and institutional: Who should govern military space operations, and how? How the law and institutions manage military space operations may affect sustainable development goals, i.e., reconciling the needs of the present with those of future generations. This is due to the fundamental independence of military missions from the applicable legal framework and the authorities competent to supervise civilian space exploration. In this context, the author mainly refers to the impact that military space activities may have on space debris, i.e., the upstream phase. The issue is not only the threats posed by ASAT tests. It’s also about how “daily” military operations in space are designed, conducted, and managed. The author’s thesis is that the current legal and institutional approach to military missions in outer space does not align with sustainable development requirements. To change this, it is necessary to partially cover military space missions with a legal space regime and coordinate the management of these missions with authorities competent in civil space exploration regarding the application of technical safety standards. The study’s research objective is to provide recommendations for the optimal approach to military space operations that align with sustainability goals from legal and institutional viewpoints. To achieve this objective, the author analyses international and European legislation and conducts case studies of selected national space legislation and strategies.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
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        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Satellite Reconnaissance and the Privatisation of Space Warfare]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2025-0014</link>
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            <pubDate>Thu, 18 Dec 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[Armed conflicts often act as a trigger for changes in the military. This is also the case of the Russia-Ukraine war. This article looks at trends in the militarisation of space, broadly understood as any military activity in outer space. It focuses on satellite reconnaissance, recognised as remote sensing from space for military purposes. Particular attention is paid to the use of commercial imagery for the purposes of armed conflict. The text focuses on the impact that the fusion of the military and commercial dimensions of space activity may have on conducting military operations and on the broader political environment. The concept of space power was adopted as the theoretical framework, with its two key factors: capacity and autonomy. The main conclusion is that although direct and indirect adaptation of solutions from the commercial sector increases the level of capacity, this trend is also a challenge in terms of autonomy, as new space economy entities gain far-reaching independence from the countries in which they operate.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[EU Space Policy — An Attempt to Build Strategic Autonomy]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2025-0015</link>
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            <pubDate>Thu, 18 Dec 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[The European Union is trying to play a significant role in space exploration. However, it must contend with powerful competitors, such as the USA, Russia, and China. EU-led space programmes such as the ‚Galileo’ satellite navigation system and the ‚Ariane’ launch vehicles are proof of the high aspirations of Europeans. However, the costs generated by these programmes and the modest achievements they bring indicate that the EU does not have a dominant position in this area. In recent years, the Russian invasion of Ukraine has had a significant impact on the EU’s space policy, with space exploration linked to security and defence policy. It has become an important part of the strategic autonomy built by the EU. European countries have also decided to build their own missile defence system — ESSI.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Satellite Systems as an Advancement of Smart Borders in European Union Border Management]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2025-0016</link>
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            <pubDate>Thu, 18 Dec 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[The current situation of a multiplicity of crises at the EU’s external borders directly affects the surveillance of the Union’s borders and its internal security. This requires the use of new and increasingly advanced technologies, which are framed by the idea of Smart Borders. Progressive crises require that ‘traditional’ methods of protecting the EU’s borders are constantly supplemented and upgraded with new technologies to ensure the security of the Schengen/Union area. One of the most important in this field is the use of satellite systems for better border management. EU agencies, the Copernicus programme and other components of the European Union Space Programme serve to strengthen border management through geospatial intelligence and imagery of the situation at borders and in pre-border areas. Of particular relevance in this respect is the EUROSUR Fusion Services referred to as a ‘system of systems’, which integrates information from satellites, radar, drones, and other sources to enable more effective threat prevention at the EU’s external borders. The aim of the article is to analyse and evaluate the utility of satellite systems in EU integrated border management (EU IBM) and to develop the Smart Borders concept with the latest satellite technologies to ensure EU security now and in the face of future challenges. Ultimately, it is pointed out that space technologies are becoming an enhancement, adding a new dimension to EU security. This leads to the creation of Future Smart Borders encompassing the support of EU IBM through evolving satellite systems.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
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        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[The Cooperation of the Visegrad Group (V4) States in the Space Sector]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2025-0017</link>
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            <pubDate>Thu, 18 Dec 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[The Visegrad Group has been in existence for over three decades. The four countries of Central Europe — the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia — have become a key area of regional development in many spheres — from political, through economic, to socio-cultural. The changes taking place in the immediate region of Europe, which began in 1989, primarily involved the domestic and foreign policy of the above-mentioned countries. These transformations also included relations with new neighbours and the process of European and Euro-Atlantic integration. The Visegrad Group states achieved their priority goals of membership in the European Union and NATO, which strengthened ties and cooperation. Due to the annexation of Crimea by Russia and the deepening conflict in Eastern Ukraine, which definitively changed the approach to security in the immediate European environment, defence issues dominated mutual contacts between the V4 members. Hence, the Visegrad Group states have expanded international cooperation in the space sector. Currently, according to the report of experts from the Polish Space Agency, the Visegrad Group countries participate in various initiatives in the area of space activities. The aim of the article is to present the degree of development and involvement of the Visegrad Group states in the field of space policy. The analysis of selected aspects of cooperation will attempt to answer the question about the prospects for further activity in the face of new challenges and threats of the 21st century.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Book Review: Social Disciplining and Civilising Processes in China: The Politics of Morality and the Morality of Politics (2024), 236 Pages]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2025-0018</link>
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            <pubDate>Thu, 18 Dec 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Report on the 7th Congress of the Polish Communication Association. Katowice, 22–24.09.2025]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2025-0019</link>
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            <pubDate>Thu, 18 Dec 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Book Review: Twenge, Jean M. Generations: The Real Differences Between Gen Z, Millennials, Gen X, Boomers, and Silents—And What They Mean for America’s Future. Simon and Schuster, Isbn13: 9781982181628, 2023, 560 Pages]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2025-0008</link>
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            <pubDate>Tue, 29 Jul 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Report on “Resonance, Resilience, Reconfiguration. Strategies of Social Movements in Poland After 2015” (Rezonans, Rezyliencja, Rekonfiguracja. Strategie Ruchów Społecznych W Polsce Po 2015 R.), Wrocław, April 10–11, 2025]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2025-0009</link>
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            <pubDate>Tue, 29 Jul 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
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