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        <title>Journal of Nationalism, Memory &amp; Language Politics Feed</title>
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            <title><![CDATA[Writing the Region after Nazism: Völkisch Legacies, Historiographical Networks, and Regional Identity in Postwar Vorarlberg]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/jnmlp-2026-0002</link>
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            <pubDate>Thu, 27 Aug 2026 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[This article examines the historiography of Vorarlberg after 1945 as a networked field of regional knowledge production, political identity formation, and selective memory. It argues that older völkisch, volksgeschichtlich, and folklore-based patterns of interpretation did not simply disappear after National Socialism. They were transformed into a more acceptable postwar vocabulary of homeland, Alemannic distinctiveness, federalism, peasant freedom, and provincial self-assertion. The article reconstructs the academic, institutional, textual, and political connections through which this transformation became effective. Its focus lies on the Innsbruck formation of key actors, the role of the Vorarlberg State Archive and the journal Montfort, the canonizing work of Karl Ilg and Benedikt Bilgeri, the cultural-administrative activities of Meinrad Tiefenthaler, Arnulf Benzer, and Elmar Grabherr, and the broader amplification of Alemannic identity through publicists, demographic arguments, honors, and young citizens’ books. Rather than equating postwar regional historiography with National Socialist scholarship, the article proposes the more precise concept of semantic and institutional translation. Biographical continuities, citation practices, symbolic recognition, and pedagogical media helped preserve older repertoires while adapting them to the democratic and Catholic-conservative environment of the Second Austrian Republic. The analysis is based on published regional histories, civic books, commemorative texts, newspapers, and archival material. The case of Vorarlberg shows that regional historiography can function as a site of subnational identity politics and as a medium through which ethnicized historical language survives political rupture. The article thus contributes to the study of nationalism, memory, and language politics by shifting attention from the nation-state to the provincial scale of postwar cultural legitimation.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
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        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Nation by Negation: Apophatic and Cataphatic National Identity after Yugoslavia]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/jnmlp-2026-0001</link>
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            <pubDate>Tue, 25 Aug 2026 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[This article introduces a novel theoretical framework distinguishing apophatic and cataphatic forms of national identity. Drawing inspiration from theological traditions and post-structuralist theory, we define apophatic national identity (ANI) as a mode of self-definition grounded in negation; articulating what a nation is not, often by rejecting association with a constitutive Other. In contrast, cataphatic national identity (CNI) is constructed affirmatively, through positive attributions of values, symbols, and myths. Using Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Montenegro as case studies, we explore how national identities in the post-Yugoslav region have been shaped primarily through apophatic processes, particularly in opposition to Serbian identity. The paper argues that this negative mode of identity formation, while politically expedient in transitional or post-conflict contexts, carries long-term risks for social cohesion and identity consolidation. Through comparative analysis, we show that while cataphatic narratives are slowly emerging, they remain underdeveloped or subordinated to the dominant logic of negation. This typology offers new insights for scholars of nationalism, identity politics, and post-imperial state formation.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Bridging Divided Communities through the “Chosen Traumas” of the Wars: A Nation-Building Project in de facto Abkhazia]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/jnmlp-2025-0008</link>
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            <pubDate>Tue, 23 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[This paper studies a nation-building project through the lens of memory politics in the de facto state of Abkhazia. It explores the strategies employed by the Abkhaz elite to bridge the divided Abkhaz communities - descendants of thewith the population of Abkhazia, and forge a unified national identity between these groups. The paper argues that, in order to overcome the divide, the Abkhaz elite utilizes the trauma of the Russian-Caucasian War (1817–1864), intertwining it with the memories of the Georgian-Abkhaz War (1992–1993), and frames both events within a broader context of heroism, courage and resistance to colonial powers, in this narrative represented by Russia and Georgia. By drawing an analogy between these two historical events, the elite fosters sharing, which encourages solidarity and supports the development of a renewed sense of national unity. However, the slow pace of repatriation and its limited impact on the demographic transformation of Abkhazia raise questions about the long-term success of the Abkhaz elite’s national project beyond the realm of memory and symbolism. Muhajirs chosen traumas The term “muhajir” refers to individuals who were expelled from the Caucasus in the 19century following the Russian-Caucasian War. Derived from the Arabic word for “exile,” it referred to those who fled to the Ottoman Empire, particularly to Turkey, before dispersing to various parts of the world. Today, a large portion of their descendants reside in Turkey, Syria, Egypt, and Russia. These individuals largely make up the Abkhaz diaspora abroad, and in this text, the terms ‘diaspora’ and ‘descendants of the Muhajirs’ are used interchangeably. th]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[From a Partner for Cooperation to a Systemic Rival for De-risking: Evolution of the EU’s perception of the rise of China (2016–2020)]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/jnmlp-2025-0009</link>
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            <pubDate>Wed, 31 Dec 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[In 2015, the EU-PRC Summit agreed to “develop cooperation on defense and security.” The EEAS even emphasized that the Comprehensive Agreement on Investment with the PRC was its “immediate priority.” However, in 2019, the EU officially defined the PRC as “a partner for cooperation,” “an economic challenger,” and “a systemic rival” to the EU.” According to all surveys, European unfavorable views of China have risen sharply since 2018. This paper illustrates and explains the fast evolution of the EU’s interpretation of the rise of the PRC between 2016 and 2020 and exploits the key factors structuring this new perception. According to the author, the domestic political development and external actions of the PRC, the American campaign against Huawei, and Europeans’ increasing pessimism on their own future all contributed to this fast cognitive shift. Trump’s anti-China discourse, the outbreak of Covid 19, and Russian invasion of Ukraine just accelerated this trend.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[On Stryd-perke [Limited Spatio-Temporal Struggles] vis-à-vis Racialized Nationalism and South African Language Political Memory: An Archaeological Genealogy of Kaapse Afrikaans]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/jnmlp-2025-0007</link>
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            <pubDate>Mon, 29 Dec 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[Against the backdrop of Afrikaner nationalism’s historical stranglehold on the discourse of the Afrikaans language, on the one hand, and the theorisation of language and nationalism developed in response to this stranglehold, on the other, I propose stryd-perke, meaning limited spatio-temporal struggles, as a concept through which current developments in the language can be understood. The analysis centres on Kaapse Afrikaans, or Kaaps for short, which is traditionally regarded as one of Afrikaans’s three main dialect continuums. Three assumptions are linked to the contemporary discursive developments surrounding it: that Kaaps is a ‘Colored’ language, that it is distinct from Afrikaans, and that no change has occurred relative to Kaaps and Afrikaans. These assumptions are critiqued through discussing the long history of Kaapse Afrikaans language politics – analysing this history in relation to two stryd-perke. The first, ‘conscientisation’, stryd-perk focused on Adam Small, Jakes Gerwel, and Peter Snyders, and the second, ‘scientificity’, stryd-perk on Charlyn Dyers, Hein Willemse, Frank Hendricks, Michael le Cordeur, and Anastasia de Vries. This long history points to how the three contemporary assumptions are, at best, false, constituting often misguided interpretations of previous language-political work, and, at worst, falling prey to race-based nationalistic discourses that past stryd-perke have vehemently warned against. The article concludes that more historically informed, sober, and critical work is necessary regarding Kaaps to avoid nationalism once again taking hold of (a form of) Afrikaans.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Good and bad memories in the construction of European identity: A frame analysis on Germany’s attachment to the European Union]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/jnmlp-2025-0005</link>
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            <pubDate>Sun, 28 Dec 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[This study examines the impact of national memory on the construction of Germany as a member state devoted to the European project and identity. More specifically, it attempts to understand, in a comparative manner, what functions “good” and “bad” memories play in Germany’s attachment to the European Union (EU). The aim of this inquiry is not only to reveal the main historical events and episodes that shape German leaders’ perceptions with regard to the EU, but also to detect the degree of differentiation between the “good” and “bad” memories in this process. In order to fulfill this task, the study focuses on the Merkel era, which covers the period from 2005 to 2021. Through inductive frame analysis, it explores the historical frames utilized by German leaders in relation to Germany’s attachment to the European project and identity. The relevant dataset covers the texts of speeches delivered by Chancellor Merkel, as well as those of foreign ministers and federal presidents who held office during Merkel’s chancellorship. In light of the findings of this textual analysis, it is emphasized that national memory is a significant element in the construction of Germany’s European identity, given the high frequency of history-related frames. Yet “good” and “bad” memories serve distinct functions, as good memories are translated into Germany’s sense of debt and gratitude, while bad memories are framed as lessons that underscore the importance of the European project and identity.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Catalan Memories at the Crossroads: the Removal of the Francoist Memorial in Tortosa and the Transformation of the Via Laietana Police Station into a Memorial Site]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/jnmlp-2025-0006</link>
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            <pubDate>Sun, 28 Dec 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[Memories of the past significantly influence national identities, which in turn shape narratives explaining the past. In contexts with strong national identities, like Catalonia, these memories are constructed within a highly polarized media sphere. This study examines how two memory-related events—the removal of the Francoist monument in Tortosa and the transformation of the Via Laietana police station into a memorial site—generate polarized historical narratives in the press and on social media. Through content analysis of 249 news pieces and social media analysis of related conversations on X (formerly Twitter), the study finds that media coverage is dominated by political and judicial actors, with social actors like associations being less represented. Both events are primarily framed in terms of economic and electoral interests rather than historical significance. On social media, political actors drive the conversations, creating echo chambers focused on political and electoral battles rather than discussions about history or memory.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Distinguishing Between the Material Reality and Social Reality]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/jnmlp-2025-0004</link>
            <guid isPermaLink="false">/article/10.2478/jnmlp-2025-0004</guid>
            <pubDate>Sat, 23 Aug 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[In the so-called “post-truth age” that commenced in the mid-2010s, fake news and unsubstantiated claims have gained popularity mostly stemming from the human observer’s confusion between the material reality and social reality. The article proposes a logical grid for testing whether an object or phenomenon under scrutiny belongs to the former or latter type of reality, and whether, from the human observer’s perspective, its existence is objective or subjective within such a given reality’s confines. The discussion is foregrounded with the history of spatialized conceptualizations of the material and social reality, and concludes with a reflection on the prospect of a rising non-human (machine-generated) social reality.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[The Memory Destruction and Reconstruction Games within the Scope of Persianization Politics in Iran]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/jnmlp-2025-0003</link>
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            <pubDate>Mon, 04 Aug 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[This research examines how collective memory management has influenced the images, symbols, historical artifacts, names, and language of Turkish culture in Iran since 1925 and how Turks for anti-discrimination have responded.This study employed a qualitative research model, with data collected through a relevant literature review and interviews. The sample was selected from Turks who have expressed reactions to the Persianization process.The findings were obtained through open and axial coding of the collected data and an inductive inquiry strategy.The findings revealed that, in line with the assimilation (Persianization) policies implemented in Iran, historiography and memory management practices based on Persian nationalism have been perpetuated against Turkish identity and its collective memory. This process is carried out by erasure, forgetting, amnesia, annulment, obsoletion, abandoning, humiliating, and banning symbolic representations, historical artifacts, names, and the language belonging to Turkish culture. The findings also demonstrated that Turks have not remained passive in the face of these practices but have actively sought to commemorate and preserve their language, names, historical events, artifacts, and heroes through artistic events, ceremonies, sports competitions, new media, legal channels and protests.From the selective coding of the findings, it can be concluded that the management of collective memory based on essentialist, monist, exclusionary and supremacist Persian nationalism are nowadays being questioned and debated in intellectual discussion, political competition and everyday life scenes. It can be concluded that the attitude of the political authority is not towards recognizing ethnonational diversity and their rights in Iran, but towards maintaining uncertainty.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Historical anniversaries as instruments of the policy of remembrance: The perspective of anniversary resolutions adopted by the Sejm and Senate of the Republic of Poland after 1989. Research conclusions1]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/jnmlp-2025-0001</link>
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            <pubDate>Wed, 09 Jul 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[The research problem of the article focuses on answering the question of the role of anniversary resolutions of the Sejm and Senate of the Republic of Poland in the politics of remembrance, while its aim is to present the main conclusions of the research project devoted to the commemoration of historical anniversaries by the Polish parliament after 1989. The main results discussed in the article include the author’s typology of anniversary resolutions and an analysis of their basic functions. A total of 774 anniversary resolutions passed between 1989 and 2023 were analyzed quantitatively and qualitatively for the purposes of the research. The theoretical framework of the article is set in the context of historical anniversaries, treated as a “medium of memory politics.” Undertaking research about anniversary resolutions resulted from the scarcity of this type of research in the Polish scientific literature. The author adopts primarily a political science approach, contributing to the broader field of memory studies, which has an interdisciplinary dimension. The starting point of the research was the thesis that historical anniversaries often serve as catalysts for significant changes, marking systemic and political shifts, recalling events and figures from the past, and providing reference points in historical narratives or disputes. In a political context, these anniversaries are frequently wielded as tools by political actors, used strategically for immediate partisan purposes. Commemorating historical anniversaries and the events and figures associated with them is crucial for shaping the identity of the national and political communities. The article is based on a research project under a grant funded by the National Science Center in Poland. It focuses on the place and role of anniversary resolutions adopted by the Sejm and Senate of the Republic of Poland in the country’s memory politics.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[One Volk, One Reich, Many Fredericks: The “Great” Frederick the Second during the Third Reich]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/jnmlp-2025-0002</link>
            <guid isPermaLink="false">/article/10.2478/jnmlp-2025-0002</guid>
            <pubDate>Mon, 07 Jul 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[The Nazi regime politicized history by mobilizing Germany’s past for their present purposes. This article examines they ways in which the Nazis instrumentalized the public image of Frederick II—“the Great” eighteenth-century Prussian monarch—across the existence of their political movement. It argues that the Nazis mustered his legacy when they felt insecure with their own legitimacy, but they launched past him when they felt able to soar on their own. At stake was the Nazi sense of self-confidence in their public support: more appeals to Frederick at the start and finish of their reign meant the German people needed convincing to follow the Nazis to whatever ends. Fewer appeals from 1935 to 1937, during the middle of the Nazi reign, meant their regime felt most secure after they had consolidated power at home but before they launched their racial war of extermination abroad. From this case study, we not only understand the instrumentalization of history for political purposes in one of modern history’s most infamous dictatorships, but we also forge a new mechanism for measuring how political regimes express self-doubt and self-security about their own popular legitimacy.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Fighting the Online War: Online Russian Nationalists and the Discourse of Stalingrad in the Early 2010s]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/jnmlp-2024-0009</link>
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            <pubDate>Sat, 25 Jan 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[Memory of the Battle of Stalingrad, a pivotal moment in Second World War, is a cornerstone of Vladimir Putin’s nationalist mythology. This study examines how participants of the “In the Whirlwind of Time” forum, a Russian-language online community whose usage peaked in the early 2010s, perpetuated and reinterpreted this war myth through science fiction and alternate history narratives at a grassroots level by co-writing literary texts. “Myth” is defined here as a symbolic narrative that shapes collective memory and identity, through science fiction and alternate history narratives. Writers, driven by nationalist and pro-Soviet sentiments, were informed by Soviet-era literary traditions and modern sociopolitical concerns. Engaging in a collaborative process of memory-making, they merged historical fiction with futuristic elements such as time travel to craft stories where the annihilation and resurrection encoded in the Stalingrad myth solve present-day moral and political crises. By conducting a Critical Discourse Analysis of forum postings and demonstrating how the resultant discourses are present in three key works, the article outlines the norms of the forum’s discourse community to show how these narratives foster a mythic understanding of Stalingrad, transforming it into a timeless and universal battle against purported Western immorality. These stories not only glorify the Soviet past but also serve as ideological tools that both reflect and anticipate Russian state propaganda of the 2020s, suggesting the participatory nature of national identity shaping through mythmaking—and the crucial role that war played in grassroots nationalist narratives in the 2010s.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Exploring Pluralistic Indian Nationalism: Aurobindo, Vivekananda, Gandhi, and Nehru in Historical Political Thought]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/jnmlp-2024-0010</link>
            <guid isPermaLink="false">/article/10.2478/jnmlp-2024-0010</guid>
            <pubDate>Sat, 18 Jan 2025 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[The article gives a snippet view of the pluralism of Indian nationalism by focusing on some of the critical views expounded by Aurobindo, Vivekananda, Gandhi, and Nehru, who significantly contributed to the intellectual, social, and political spheres of India. The ideas and actions of these national heroes played a crucial role in shaping the Indian idea of nationalism and the Indian freedom struggle. Aurobindo saw militant nationalism as a spiritual principle. Vivekananda believed in Karma, morality, and fearlessness; he laid focus on the Upanishads, the Brahma Sutras, and the Bhagavad Gita as the three primary ancient Vedanta writings, and he was an exponent of spiritual nationalism. Gandhi promoted Swaraj (self-rule), Swadeshi (native products for social development), Swadharma (to follow the best in our own religion), Satyagraha (holding fast to truth), Sarvodaya (upliftment of all), Brahmacharya (celibacy), Asangrah (non-possession), Sharirashrama (physical labor), Aswads (control of palate), Sarvatra-Bhaya-Varjana (fearlessness), and Ahimsa (non-violence). He upheld cultural nationalism. Nehru was inclined towards socialism. Socialism is an economic and political system that advocates for collective ownership and control of the means of production, aiming to create an egalitarian society by reducing inequalities and ensuring social welfare. The article reveals how diverse ideas inspired multi-dimensional Indian nationalism and laid the foundation of the Indian freedom struggle against the British Raj.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Development of Media Consumption of Hungarians in Slovakia in the Light of Empirical Data]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/jnmlp-2024-0007</link>
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            <pubDate>Fri, 20 Dec 2024 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[Research on the media consumption of national minorities contributes to identifying whether the media have an impact on the formation of national identity. The language and symbols used by the media are a strong factor influencing this identity. In the presented study, we focused on the analysis and comparison of empirical data resulting from several sociological researches carried out by the authors of this study on the Hungarian minority in Slovakia. The research was mainly focused on media consumption, the type of media that the Hungarian minority prefers to follow, because we assume that the chosen medium and its language contribute to the formation of identity. The aim of this study is to evaluate the development of media consumption among the above-mentioned minority and to evaluate changes in consumption upon the discovery of new modern media.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[The Concept of “World” in Ancient Turkic World View]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/jnmlp-2024-0005</link>
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            <pubDate>Sun, 10 Nov 2024 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[The relevance of this work is that modern society shows interest in and explores the issue of traditional values, which are the result of social transformations. The development of a national, traditional worldview in the study and cognition of the surrounding world is still being investigated today. The purpose of the study is to conduct a general analysis of the establishment and origin of the worldview of the ancient Turkic peoples and to show the essential aspects of the classical worldview of modern Turkic peoples. The following methods were used in this study: historical, dialectical, comparative, historical, and descriptive methods, analysis and synthesis, as well as deductive and inductive methods. The result of the study was the coverage of not only the question of the worldview of the ancient Turks but also the relevance of this topic in the modern world and the role of a person in society. The study reveals the attitude of the Turks toward society, beliefs, worldview, and understanding of the “World” by nomadic Turkic peoples and describes the main function of the world. The practical significance of this topic lies in the motivation of a person to learn about their origin, culture, and traditions. The study of the world, life, and death of the Turkic peoples will provide a deeper understanding of the traditional culture and worldview of the ancient Turks. The paper covers the topic of the origin of culture and civilization among the Turks. The heroic epic “Oguz Kagan” is considered, and the manifestation of divine faith in the work is analyzed. The idea of the “World” in the epic was clarified by the beliefs of the ancient Turks.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Understanding Inward-Looking Nationalism: An Instrumentalist Approach in Analyzing the Discourse of The People’s Alliance in Turkey1]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/jnmlp-2024-0006</link>
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            <pubDate>Sun, 10 Nov 2024 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[Many theories, approaches, definitions have been laid down for the understanding of nationalism, which simultaneously produces many questions to answer later on. One of the recent debates is the ‘inward looking’ nature of nationalism. Whether it is the recent pandemic, Brexit, or alarming rates of Islamophobia in the West with an identitarian populist flavor, the issue pertains to nationalism, or for some, nativism. Contemporaneously with an ‘inward looking’ instrumentalist nature, it uncovers new debates arising out of the conflicts in today’s nation-states. One of these appears to be the ruling coalition known as the ‘People’s Alliance’ (de facto alliance between the Justice and Development party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi) and the National Movement Party (Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi) in Turkey thanks to its nationalist rhetoric, yet with an ‘inward looking’ direction. The deepening of polarization is causing a mutual fear, mistrust, and antipathy among the people in Turkey. As the coalition aims to re-invigorate the nation, its opponents are claiming it is a dissemination of hatred. This political rift is deepening via the political discourse and atmosphere. The goal of this paper is to inquire into this via a critical discourse analysis. The study analyzes the discourse of the party leaders forming the People’s Alliance. This discourse displays an inward-looking nationalist rhetoric, circling around three prominent issues: the proclamation of opponents as traitors via a blame shifting rhetoric; the protection of the fate of the coalition as the savior of the country; and finally, the determination of who adheres to the nation or not via the native and national (yerli ve milli) debate.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[In the Shadow of War: Nationalism and Folk Studies in Wartime Beiping and Shanghai]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/jnmlp-2024-0004</link>
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            <pubDate>Sun, 30 Jun 2024 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[The discipline of folklore studies was introduced to China in the early twentieth century while the country faced a grave national crisis resulting from intense foreign pressure and a rigid political system that was incapable of adapting to the challenges of the modern world. Nationalism contributed to the rising interest in folklore from the late 1910s to early 1920s, then became the dominant theme of folklore studies thereafter. In the late 1920s and early 1930s, folklore studies spread all over the country and developed vigorously within China. However, the eruption of the War of Resistance in 1937 interrupted this revitalization process and most folklore activities came to a standstill. In wartime China, leading scholars looked to the past in part as a reaction to Japanese imperialism, but also to strengthen cultural cohesion for the nation. In Japanese-occupied areas, some scholars persisted in independent folklore investigations and writing even though most upper tier Chinese universities and leading figures in the folklore movement gradually relocated to non-occupied territory. Scholars who remained in the occupation zone often had contact with foreign-backed institutions and were able to continue working during the war years. Their research activities served the purpose of rallying the nation and fed a growing popular demand for more and deeper investigations into China’s folk traditions. This work examines the influence of nationalism on folk studies in Beiping and Shanghai, shining a light on folklorists’ activities, folklore organizations, and primary publications during China’s War of Resistance against Japan.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[“When the immigrants faced the Statue of Liberty”: Critical Discourse Analysis of National Narratives in Greek Parliament]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/jnmlp-2024-0003</link>
            <guid isPermaLink="false">/article/10.2478/jnmlp-2024-0003</guid>
            <pubDate>Sun, 30 Jun 2024 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[The increased arrival of immigrant/refugee populations often leads to public debates. These debates about immigrant/refugee policies are often raised in parliament. Inside parliament, speakers use specific arguments to persuade their audience, aiming to construct specific national identities, and to promote the national homogenizing discourse. To accomplish this, the politicians often exploit narratives and more specifically, national narratives, reframing aspects of history in order to shape the national conscience. The aim of this research is to analyze how two political leaders of opposite Greek parties, Kyriakos Mitsotakis and Yanis Varoufakis, use narratives on the Greek immigration/refugee movement to the USA in the 1920s to argue about the contemporary Greek policy toward immigrant/refugee issues. To analyze their narratives, we utilize the model of positioning suggested by Bamberg (1997), drawing a distinction between three levels: the narrative world, where we focus on how the characters are positioned in relation to one another within the reported events; the narrative interaction, where we examine how the narrator positions him/herself in relation to the audience through specific argumentative strategies (Reisigl and Wodak 2001); and the broader socio-ideological framework, which concerns the positioning of the narrator toward the Discourses, namely, toward the ideologically defined ways of representing reality. According to our findings, at the level of the narrative world the two politicians construct differently the USA immigrant/refugee policy. These constructions result to different arguments at the level of the narrative interaction, where Mitsotakis promotes as a norm the exclusion of the Others, while Varoufakis promotes their assimilation. Given that both the exclusion and the assimilation of the Others comprise homogenizing practices, we realize that, at the level of the broader socio-ideological framework, both political leaders, each from a different perspective, reinforce the national discourse.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
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            <title><![CDATA[Vartan Matiossian, The Politics of Naming the Armenian Genocide: Language, History and “Medz Yeghern”, London &amp; New York, I.B. Tauris 2022, 279 p., $26,95 (paperback)]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/jnmlp-2024-0002</link>
            <guid isPermaLink="false">/article/10.2478/jnmlp-2024-0002</guid>
            <pubDate>Fri, 07 Jun 2024 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
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            <title><![CDATA[The War of Vladimir. Nationalism, Narcissism, and Childhood Battles]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.2478/jnmlp-2024-0001</link>
            <guid isPermaLink="false">/article/10.2478/jnmlp-2024-0001</guid>
            <pubDate>Thu, 23 May 2024 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[The war in Ukraine has had enormous media coverage in the West, generating a wide-ranging debate concerning its origins, responsibilities, and consequences. The debate in the media raises an interesting question seldom explored in the study of nations and nationalism, specifically, the scarce incidence or penetration by expert knowledge into the theories of common sense and profane knowledge. In fact, despite the current consolidation in the scientific literature of the constructionist and modernist paradigm – of a sociological nature – other visions and interpretations of the past continue to be widely accepted and popularized beyond academia. This article analyzes the weight and influence of psychology, psychiatry, and psychoanalysis in the social representation of nationalism. The persistence of psychopathological language in the profane interpretation of the conflict is explored using the discourse of the press and, in particular, the opinion columns published in various Western countries during the first weeks of the war. The article shows that the criticism and denunciation of nationalism are still being formulated nowadays with the voices of psychology and psychiatry, the psychodynamic vision of the authoritarian, and the vulgarized portrayal of Adolf Hitler.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
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