<?xml version="1.0" encoding="utf-8"?>
<rss version="2.0" xmlns:atom="http://www.w3.org/2005/Atom">
    <channel>
        <title>Balcanica Posnaniensia. Acta et studia Feed</title>
        <link>https://reference-global.com/journal/BP</link>
        <description>Reference Global RSS Feed for Balcanica Posnaniensia. Acta et studia</description>
        <lastBuildDate>Mon, 09 Nov 2026 10:27:19 GMT</lastBuildDate>
        <docs>https://validator.w3.org/feed/docs/rss2.html</docs>
        <generator>https://github.com/jpmonette/feed</generator>
        <image>
            <title>Balcanica Posnaniensia. Acta et studia Feed</title>
            <url>https://paradigm-files.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/BP/cover-image.jpg</url>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/journal/BP</link>
        </image>
        <copyright>All rights reserved 2026, Adam Mickiewicz University</copyright>
        <atom:link href="https://reference-global.com/2/rss/journal/BP" rel="self" type="application/rss+xml"/>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Odpowiedź na recenzję Błażeja Szeflińskiego, dotyczącą książki Historia Serbii, T. 1, Od pojawienia się Serbów na Bałkanach do 1830 roku]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.14746/bp.2024.31.19</link>
            <guid isPermaLink="false">/article/10.14746/bp.2024.31.19</guid>
            <pubDate>Tue, 17 Dec 2024 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[In Memoriam]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.14746/bp.2024.31.23</link>
            <guid isPermaLink="false">/article/10.14746/bp.2024.31.23</guid>
            <pubDate>Tue, 17 Dec 2024 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Heraclius: emperor of Byzantium, by Walter E. Kaegi]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.14746/bp.2024.31.21</link>
            <guid isPermaLink="false">/article/10.14746/bp.2024.31.21</guid>
            <pubDate>Tue, 17 Dec 2024 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Николай Кънев, Византия и България на Балканите. Студии върху поли-тическата история и българо-византийското имперско противоборство на Балканския полуостров през периода VII–X в]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.14746/bp.2024.31.20</link>
            <guid isPermaLink="false">/article/10.14746/bp.2024.31.20</guid>
            <pubDate>Tue, 17 Dec 2024 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[XXIII Balcanicum, Pogranicza kulturowe w Europie Południowo-Wschodniej, Poznań, 25–26 października 2024]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.14746/bp.2024.31.22</link>
            <guid isPermaLink="false">/article/10.14746/bp.2024.31.22</guid>
            <pubDate>Tue, 17 Dec 2024 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Ewolucja Osadnictwa Na Prawie Wołoskim W Karpatach Polskich]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.14746/bp.2024.31.17</link>
            <guid isPermaLink="false">/article/10.14746/bp.2024.31.17</guid>
            <pubDate>Tue, 17 Dec 2024 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[The evolution of settlement under the Wallachian Law in the Polish Carpathians. The article aims to present the temporal and spatial evolution of settlements on the basis of the Wallachian law in the Polish part of the Carpathian Mountains. A series of thematic maps have been prepared that show the distribution of settlements over a period of more than 300 years, from the second half of the 14th century to the second half of the 17th century. A total of 479 settlements based on Wallachian law or with a certified Wallachian presence have been documented in the physical-geographical area of the Polish Carpathians. They accounted for 28% of all settlements in the region. It should be noted that 70% (339) of these settlements disappeared as a result of the forced population relocations of 1945–1950. Two phases can be distinguished in the history of Wallachian settlement in the Polish Carpathians. The first (from the second half of the 14th century to the end of the 15th century) was mainly related to the military, guardian function of the settlements – 87 new sites were established at that time. The second phase (from the 16th to the end of the 17th century) was rather determined by economic factors, stimulated by climatic changes during the so-called Little Ice Age. During this period, there was an increase in the dynamics of Wallachian settlement, which resulted in the creation of 392 settlements in the mountainous zone, which had poor conditions for farming (above 500 meters above sea level). Settlement under Wallachian law lost its originally ethnic character, becoming a tool for effective colonization of the Carpathians based on pastoral or pastoral-agricultural economy.Streszczenie. Celem artykułu jest prezentacja czasowej i przestrzennej ewolucji osadnictwa na prawie woło-skim w polskiej części Karpat. Przygotowano serię map tematycznych, które przedstawiają rozmieszczenie osad w okresie ponad 300 lat, od drugiej połowy XIV wieku do drugiej połowy XVII wieku. Na obszarze fizycznogeograficznym polskich Karpat łącznie udokumentowano 479 miejscowości opartych na prawie wołoskim lub z poświadczoną obecnością Wołochów. Stanowiły one 28% wszystkich miejscowości w tym regionie. Należy podkreślić, że 70% (339) tych osad zniknęło w wyniku przymusowych przesiedleń ludności z lat 1945–1950. W historii wołoskiego osadnictwa w polskich Karpatach wyróżnia się dwie fazy. Pierwsza (od drugiej połowy XIV wieku do końca XV wieku) była związana głównie z militarną, strażniczą funkcją osad — powstało wówczas 87 nowych lokalizacji. Druga faza (od XVI do końca XVII wieku) była raczej uwarunkowana przez czynniki gospodarcze, stymulowane zmianami klimatycznymi podczas tzw. Małej Epoki Lodowej. W okresie tym doszło do zwiększenia dynamiki osadnictwa wołoskiego, co zaowocowało stworzeniem 392 osad w strefie górskiej, mającej złe warunki do prowadzenia gospodarki rolnej (powyżej 500 m n.p.m.). Osadnictwo na prawie wołoskim straciło swój pierwotnie etniczny charakter, stając się narzędziem umożliwiającym efektywną kolonizację Karpat w oparciu o gospodarkę pasterską lub pastersko-rolniczą.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Historia Serbii, T. 1, Od pojawienia się Serbów na Bałkanach do 1830 roku by Ilona Czamańska]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.14746/bp.2024.31.18</link>
            <guid isPermaLink="false">/article/10.14746/bp.2024.31.18</guid>
            <pubDate>Tue, 17 Dec 2024 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Politics of the French Empire in the East Adriatic Coast (1809–1814)]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.14746/bp.2024.31.6</link>
            <guid isPermaLink="false">/article/10.14746/bp.2024.31.6</guid>
            <pubDate>Tue, 17 Dec 2024 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[The article processes the period of the French Empire’s rule on the east Adriatic coast between 1809 and 1814. Based on the relevant literature and historical sources, the article points to events that followed Campo Formio’s peace in 1797 until the destruction of French rule in 1814. Special focus is placed on the activities of the new rulers, based on the ideas of the French revolutions, which sought to transform the area of east Adriatic and integrate it into the state system of the French empire, with the goal of creating a united political, administrative, militaristic, economic and cultural-educational area. In that context, in the article, the main question being examined is the formation of the Illyrian provinces, which were intended to be a separate province of the French empire, which was supposed to unite different national and religious communities that spoke the same language. With a comprehensive analysis of political and social changes, an attempt is made to point to a pioneer attempt to transform a patriarchal and traditional community, through the implementation of modern models of public administration, healthcare, and education.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Armia Wielkiego Wezyra Kara Mustafy Wobec Ludności Atakowanych Obszarów Węgier i Austrii Podczas Wyprawy Wiedeńskiej 1683 Roku W Świetle Wybranych Źródeł Osmańskich1]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.14746/bp.2024.31.5</link>
            <guid isPermaLink="false">/article/10.14746/bp.2024.31.5</guid>
            <pubDate>Tue, 17 Dec 2024 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[Grand Vizier Kara Mustafa’s army towards the population of the attacked areas of Hungary and Austria during the Vienna Expedition of 1683 in the light of selected Ottoman sources. The aim of the article is to analyze the methods of the Ottoman army under the command of Grand Vizier Kara Mustafa and the Tatars supporting him against the people of the Hungarian and Lower Austrian areas during the Turkish expedition to Vienna in 1683. The primary sources are the accounts of chroniclers (Silahdar Mehmed aga of Fyndykla, Jebedji Hasan Esiri) and historians (Husein Hezarfenn, defterdar Sari Mehmed Pasha) of the Ottoman era. Important relations are included into the grand vizier’s letters to the residents of the Hungarian city of Sopron and Vienna. These reports show that Ottoman forces sought to capture some cities and Vienna itself without a fight, counting on their surrender. They also succeeded in winning over some Hungarian magnates hostile to the Habsburgs (Imre Thököly, the Batthyanych and Draskovics families). However, terror was mainly used against the local population, which meant the extermination of prisoners of war – military (so-called “tongues”) and civilians, as well as the taking of women and children into slavery (“jasyr”). Chroniclers report, among other things, cases of rewarding Ottoman soldiers and Tartars in exchange for supplied captives, who were later murdered. There are numerous reports on the destruction of occupied areas, mass looting and rape of women and boys. The attacked areas were almost completely destroyed and the population decimated. According to calculations, between 80,000 and more than 100,000 residents were killed or taken prisoner during these events.Streszczenie. Celem artykułu jest analiza metod postępowania armii osmańskiej pod dowództwem wielkiego wezyra Kara Mustafy i wspierających go Tatarów wobec ludności z obszarów Węgier i Dolnej Austrii podczas tureckiej wyprawy na Wiedeń w 1683 roku. Podstawowymi źródłami są relacje kronikarzy (Silahdar Mehmed aga z Fyndykły, Dżebedżi Hasan Esiri) i historyków (Husein Hezarfenn, defterdar Sari Mehmed Pasza) z doby osmańskiej. Ważnymi przekazami są listy wielkiego wezyra do mieszkańców węgierskiego miasta Sopron i Wiednia. Z relacji tych wynika, że siły osmańskie dążyły do opanowania niektórych miast i samego Wiednia bez walki, licząc na ich kapitulację. Udało się także pozyskać niektórych możnowładców węgierskich wrogo nastawionych do Habsburgów (Imre Thököly, rody Batthyanych, Draskovicsów). Wobec miejscowej ludności stosowano jednak przede wszystkim terror, który oznaczał eksterminację jeńców — wojskowych (tzw. „języków”) i cywili oraz branie kobiet i dzieci w niewolę (jasyr). Kronikarze relacjonują m.in. przypadki nagradzania żołnierzy osmańskich i Tatarów w zamian za dostarczanych jeńców, których potem mordowano. Liczne są informacje o niszczeniu zajmowanych obszarów, masowych rabunkach i gwałtów na kobietach oraz chłopcach. Atakowane obszary zostały niemal całkowicie zniszczone a ludność zdziesiątkowana. Jak wynika z obliczeń, podczas tych wydarzeń zginęło lub zostało wziętych do niewoli od 80 do ponad 100 tysięcy mieszkańców.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Chorwacki Film Fabularny Jako Medium Pamięci Wojny Lat 90. XX Wieku W Krajach Byłej Jugosławii]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.14746/bp.2024.31.13</link>
            <guid isPermaLink="false">/article/10.14746/bp.2024.31.13</guid>
            <pubDate>Tue, 17 Dec 2024 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[Croatian film as a medium of memory of the Yugoslav wars of the 1990s. The article is an attempt to present selected Croatian new war films as media of memory of the war of the 1990s in the countries of the former yugoslavia. The authoress is primarily interested in the narrative structure of the presented forms of mediated memory. In the three analysed films, a medium of memory is identified as: ideological (Madonna, Neven Hitrec, 1999), mimetic (Witnesses, Vinko Brešan, 2003), and poietic (The Living and the Dead, Kristijan Milić, 2007), which allows her to draw conclusions about the heterogeneous, dialectical nature of the corpus of Croatian new war films.Streszczenie. Artykuł jest próbą zaprezentowania wybranych chorwackich (nowych) filmów wojennych jako mediów pamięci wojny lat 90. XX w. w krajach byłej Jugosławii. Autorkę interesuje przede wszystkim struktura narracyjna prezentowanych form pamięci zapośredniczonej. W trzech analizowanych filmach dopatruje się ona medium pamięci o charakterze: ideologicznym (Bogurodzica, Neven Hitrec, 1999), mimetycznym (Świadkowie, Vinko Brešan, 2003) i pojetycznym (Żywi i martwi, Kristijan Milić, 2007), co pozwala jej wysnuć wnioski o niejednorodnym, dialektycznym charakterze samego korpusu chorwackich (nowych) filmów wojennych.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Miejsce Pamięci „Danica” W Narodowej I Lokalnej Polityce Historycznej Oraz Kulturze Pamięci W Chorwacji I Koprivnicy]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.14746/bp.2024.31.12</link>
            <guid isPermaLink="false">/article/10.14746/bp.2024.31.12</guid>
            <pubDate>Tue, 17 Dec 2024 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[The “Danica” Memorial Site in national and local politics of history and culture of memory in Croatia and Koprivnica. The aim of the article is to show the evolution of the attitude of state and local authorities toward the “Danica” Memorial Site located on the place of the first former concentration and transit camp established by the Ustasha regime during World War II (1941–1942). The Memorial Site has been established in Koprivnica in the late 70s and early 80s. The former camp operated for several months in 1941, most often as a transit site for prisoners. The public and symbolic perception of this site constitutes a reflection of changes that have taken place within the historical politics and culture of memory in Croatia over several decades. On the basis of press reports and scholarly literature, steps toward the “memorialization” of the area will be analyzed, and the evolution of the official attitude of the authorities toward what happened at “Danica” during World War II will be presented. In socialist yugoslavia the heroic struggle of the communist partisans was emphasized above all, then they were supplemented by activities commemorating civilian victims of the war. After the breakup of yugoslavia, “Danica” was overlooked in the official discourse, the site was neglected and associated with the “unwanted” memory of the communist partisans of World War II. Work on restoring the place to collective memory was not undertaken until the 21st century.Streszczenie. W artykule przedstawiono ewolucję stosunku władz państwowych i lokalnych wobec Miejsca Pamięci „Danica” w Koprivnicy, stworzonego na przełomie lat 70. i 80. XX w. na terenie pierwszego obozu kocnentracyjnego, założonego przez ustaszy. Funkcjonował on przez kilka miesięcy 1941 roku, najczęściej był miejscem tranzytowym dla więźniów kierowanych do innych ośrodków. Publiczny i symboliczny odbiór tego miejsca stanowi indykatywny element zmian, które zachodziły w ramach polityki historycznej i kultury pamięci w Chorwacji na przestrzeni kilkudziesięciu lat. Na podstawie relacji prasowych i literatury naukowej zaprezentowane zostaną działania w kierunku „memorializacji” tego obszaru, przedstawiona będzie ewolucja oficjalnego stosunku władz wobec tego, co działo się w „Danicy” podczas II wojny światowej. W socjalistycznej Jugosławii centralne miejsce w polityce historycznej zajmowały dzieje Walki Narodowowyzwoleńczej, prowadzonej przez komunistyczny ruch partyzancki (Narodnooslobodilačka borba; NOB). Był to jeden z niekwestionowanym mitów założycielski socjalistycznej federacji i filar legitymizacji rządów komunistycznych. Akcentowano przede wszystkim bohaterską walkę partyzantów, a miejsce ofiar cywilnych było marginalne. Poświęcone im miejsca pamięci tworzono zazwyczaj w późniejszych dekadach. W przypadku Koprivnicy prace w tym kierunku podjęto w drugiej połowie lat 70., a Miejsce Pamięci „Danica” otwarto w 1981 r.. Po rozpadzie Jugosławii „Danicę” pomijano w oficjalnym dyskursie a miejsce było zaniedbane i kojarzone z „niechcianą” pamięcią o komunistycznej partyzantce z czasów II wojny światowej. Prace nad przywróceniem tego miejsca w kolektywnej pamięci podjęto dopiero w XXI wieku.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Political Activities of Sophronius Vrachanski]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.14746/bp.2024.31.7</link>
            <guid isPermaLink="false">/article/10.14746/bp.2024.31.7</guid>
            <pubDate>Tue, 17 Dec 2024 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[The beginning of the 19th century was a difficult period for the Bulgarian population, caused by a deep crisis in the Ottoman Empire and another Russo-Turkish war of 1806–1812. During the conflict, the former bishop of Vratsa, Sophronius, together with a circle of activists, undertook political action to support the Russian military effort and help the civilian population fleeing the horrors of the war. This action ultimately ended in failure, as it was not possible to obtain autonomy for the Bulgarians, but the political program they developed was an important stage in the formation of the native national liberation movement. Thanks to his achievements, Sophronius is known in Bulgarian historiography not only as a priest and one of the codifiers of the modern Bulgarian language, but also as a political activist.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[The “Limited Recognition” Problem and the International Presence of the Republic of Kosovo]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.14746/bp.2024.31.15</link>
            <guid isPermaLink="false">/article/10.14746/bp.2024.31.15</guid>
            <pubDate>Tue, 17 Dec 2024 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[This paper aims to examine the position of Kosovo in international relations. Explains differences between de facto states, quasi-states, unrecognized states, pseudo states and states with limited recognition, arguing that Kosovo should be considered as the latter. The author also points out consequences of international recognition (including the case of Kosovo) and shows the main goals of its foreign policy. A separate place was devoted to relations between Kosovo and international governmental organizations, which conduct “engagement without recognition policy” and selected countries, which recognized Kosovo as a sovereign state. The article is based on examination of primary and secondary sources, critical analysis of sources and data analysis. The author argues that limited recognition of Kosovo has a direct influence on foreign policy of this state. This foreign policy is strictly connected with security issues. However, limited recognition reduced foreign policy of Kosovo and made that this country cannot be a party of military pacts, which is crucial in maintaining peace and security in this country. The article is partially based on sources available at the Slavic, East European and Eurasian Collections and Services at International and Area Studies Library of the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign, collected by the author during the 2021 Virtual Summer Research Laboratory organized by the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences, Russia, East European, and Eurasian Center, University of Illinois Urbana – Champaign (Champaign, IL).]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Tracja Zachodnia Jako Region Pograniczny w Świetle Przemian Geopolitycznych I Ludnościowych Po I Wojnie Światowej (1919–1928)]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.14746/bp.2024.31.9</link>
            <guid isPermaLink="false">/article/10.14746/bp.2024.31.9</guid>
            <pubDate>Tue, 17 Dec 2024 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[Western Thrace as a border region in light of geopolitical and population changes after World War I (1919–1928). The aim of the article is to show the borderlandness of the region called Western Thrace using the aspect od demographic and socio-political changes that occurred there after the First World War. Until the beginning of the 20th century this area was inhabited by communities with diverse cultural characteristics. Under Ottoman rule it was the part of a historical-geographical region called Thrace. It began to be recognised as a separate territorial unit and geopolitical question from the time of the Balkan Wars (Bulgarian Aegean Thrace, Turkish and Greek Western Thrace). It was finally annexed to Greece in 1920. On the basis of documentation from representatives of the Entente military, the League of Nations and the Greek authorities, the processes that contributed to the consolidation of a contemporary dichotomous cultural landscape in the region will be presented. On the one hand, it was subordinated to the paradigm of a unitary nation-state, while on the other hand, religious autonomy for more than a hundred thousand Muslims was included. In practice, however, this solution contributed to the isolation (ghettoisation) of the Muslim minority community, slowed down the integration of Muslims into Greek society and strengthened the control of the central administration over the affairs of the region.Streszczenie. Celem artykułu jest ukazanie pograniczności regionu o nazwie Tracja Zachodnia przez pryzmat zmian demograficznych i społeczno-politycznych, jakie nastąpiły tam po I wojnie światowej i przejęciu władzy przez Grecję. Do początku XX w. obszar ten, stanowiący część Turcji osmańskiej i zamieszkany przez społeczności o zróżnicowanej charakterystyce kulturowej, stanowił część historyczno-geograficznego regionu o nazwie Tracja. Za odrębną jednostkę terytorialną zaczęto go uznawać od czasu wojen bałkańskich (buł. Tracja Egejska, tur. i gr. Tracja Zachodnia). W 1920 r. został on ostatecznie przyłączony do Grecji. Na podstawie dokumentacji pochodzącej od przedstawicieli wojsk Ententy, Ligi Narodów i władz greckich, przedstawione zostaną procesy, które złożyły się na ugruntowanie dychotomicznego krajobrazu kulturowego w regionie, funkcjonującego do czasów dzisiejszych. Z jednej strony podporządkowano je paradygmatowi unitarnego państwa narodowego, z drugiej uwzględniono autonomię religijną dla ponad stu tysięcy muzułmanów. W praktyce rozwiązanie to przyczyniło się jednak do izolowania (gettoizacji) muzułmańskiej wspólnoty mniejszościowej, spowolniło integrację muzułmanów ze społeczeństwem greckim i wzmocniło kontrolę administracji centralnej nad sprawami regionu.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Snake Island in the Romanian and Ukrainian Narrative in the International Court of Justice]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.14746/bp.2024.31.11</link>
            <guid isPermaLink="false">/article/10.14746/bp.2024.31.11</guid>
            <pubDate>Tue, 17 Dec 2024 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[In 1948 Romania ceded Snake Island to the Soviet Union, which established a 12-mile maritime zone around the island. After the collapse of the USSR, the island was incorporated into Ukraine. Romania recognized that the island belonged to Ukraine, but a long-running dispute began between Ukraine and Romania over the delimitation of the shelf and the exclusive economic zone. Snake Island became part of this dispute because Ukraine considered it a reference point for the delimitation of the maritime waters. Romania strongly disagreed and referred the dispute to the International Court of Justice in The Hague. Both countries presented their arguments not only from the legal, but also historical point of view. They drew completely different conclusions from the same historical sources while presenting their interpretations of the past regarding Snake Island. The dispute ended when the ICJ announced its verdict on February 3, 2009. Both countries accepted it.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Neo-Ottoman Memory of “New Turkey”]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.14746/bp.2024.31.14</link>
            <guid isPermaLink="false">/article/10.14746/bp.2024.31.14</guid>
            <pubDate>Tue, 17 Dec 2024 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[The article aims to present the process of creating the so-called neo-Ottoman memory politics under the rule of the Justice and Development Party (AKP), which has remained in power since 2002. In the first two decades of the 21st century, Turkey underwent a thorough transformation, including the replacement of elites, the undermining of the ideological foundations of the Kemalist republic, as well as the redefinition of Turkish nationalism and state identity. The key element of these changes was the ongoing rehabilitation of the Ottoman Empire – relegated by the republic to the position of episode in the history of the Turks. As a result of the creation of the so-called “Turkish-Islamic synthesis” in the 1980s, as well as the development of social nostalgia for the former empire in the following decade, the new politics of memory, meeting this nostalgia, achieved spectacular success. However, it was conducted in a top-down manner, with great care taken to ensure that the content appearing in the public sphere was consistent with the intentions of the new power elite. This new memory, however, did not remove the republican heritage – its absorption became a key factor in strengthening the legitimacy of “New Turkey” – a monumental project of political and identity transformation.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[On the Empresses of the Latin Empire (1204–1261) (5). Marie of Brienne]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.14746/bp.2024.31.2</link>
            <guid isPermaLink="false">/article/10.14746/bp.2024.31.2</guid>
            <pubDate>Tue, 17 Dec 2024 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[The article represents the fifth part of the series “On the Empresses of the Latin Empire (1204–1261)”. This one is dedicated to Marie of Brienne, wife of Baldwin II. She was the daughter of John of Brienne and Berengaria of Castile. Marie was betrothed to and then married Baldwin II in 1240 and became empress of the Latin Empire. After the birth of her son Philip (around 1243), she went to France and to the estate of the Courtenay family in Flanders. There she managed the lands on her husband’s behalf. After being exiled to the Latins from Constantinople in 1261, she settled in Naples and probably died there in 1275. Perhaps she was buried in the church of St. Denis in Paris. The author divides her life into four periods that determine her career. The most important periods in her life were the years 1240–1261. The text is based mainly on documentary, sphragistic and sparse chronicle sources. Marie of Brienne has not had an independent biography.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Attila Nutritus in Engadi or the Knowledge of Late Antique Historical Geography in Medieval Hungarian Chronicles1]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.14746/bp.2024.31.1</link>
            <guid isPermaLink="false">/article/10.14746/bp.2024.31.1</guid>
            <pubDate>Tue, 17 Dec 2024 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[The 10th chapter of the Chronica de Gestis Hungarorum written by Simon of Kéza contains a puzzling phrase: Attila (…) nutritus in Engadi. So far, no attempt has been made to explain it. According to the authors of the following article, Simon took it from the Latin translation of the Onomasticon of Eusebius of Caesarea (d. 339) by St. Jerome. In all likelihood, Simon gained access to Jerome’s codex during his trip to southern Italy.It is necessary to distinguish three stages of the rise and change of the scholarly tradition about Attila as the ancestor of the Arpad dynasty and the Huns as the ancestors of the Hungarians: 1) Attila is viewed as the ancestor of Almos and Arpad; 2) Aquila in the Hungarian-Polish Chronicle as the founder of the Hungarian state, which was an attempt at a Christian rationalization of the story of the Turul, an ethnogenetic story about the Hungarians and their dynasty; 3) the inclusion of the Huns in Hungarian history by Simon of Kéza while removing Attila from among the ancestors of the dynasty. The mention of Engaddi (attesting to Simon’s knowledge of the latin topography of Palestine, ultimately derived from Eusebius of Caesarea) likens him to the biblical David showing that, like the great warrior-king of Judah and Israel,2 Attila was the preeminent ruler of the Huns, i.e. the Hungarians, and at the same time legitimizes him, placing him, and, not least, his people, in the horizon of the world of Mediterranean civilization.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Historical Politics of Communist Romania in the Opinions of PPR Diplomacy]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.14746/bp.2024.31.10</link>
            <guid isPermaLink="false">/article/10.14746/bp.2024.31.10</guid>
            <pubDate>Tue, 17 Dec 2024 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[The article proposes to look at the phenomenon of the historical politics of the authorities of communist Romania through the prism of opinions on this subject from the diplomacy, also communist, of the Polish People’s Republic. It is about opinions of representatives of a state whose citizens during the communist period were not subjected to and did not succumb to such strong political indoctrination as in other satellite states of the Kremlin on the subject of a state which, from the 1960s onwards, conducted the most independent and distanced foreign politics from the Kremlin among these satellites and which went furthest among these states in instrumentally using historical politics and the often accompanying nationalism for political purposes. As the Polish observers have argued, the Romanian authorities saw in the image of Romanians and Romanian history created by them a valuable tool to shape for themselves the favor of society, its views and public sentiment depending on the political demand of the moment. It was most controversial among Poles, but supported by the Romanian public, that the Romanian authorities used history to more or less openly attack the Soviet Union in the name of defending their sovereignty. The Polish authorities also viewed with distance the theory deriving modern Romanians from the ancient Dacians and generally considered Romanian historiography to be biased and unreliable. In spite of the fall of communism, unlike in Poland, the picture of Romanian history shaped earlier, with a strong nationalist accent, is still readily accepted by Romanians.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
        <item>
            <title><![CDATA[Lesson for the Future Climate Migration A Study of Relocation and Development of New Settlements in Urban Peripheries Based on Spatial Dispersion of Forced Migrants in Serbia Between 1991 and 2021]]></title>
            <link>https://reference-global.com/article/10.14746/bp.2024.31.16</link>
            <guid isPermaLink="false">/article/10.14746/bp.2024.31.16</guid>
            <pubDate>Tue, 17 Dec 2024 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
            <description><![CDATA[Climate migrations are going to affect the spatial structure in many regions of the world. We are now able to research long-term displacement and its spatial effects. Using the example of Serbia and the 30-year history of migration after the conflicts connected with the collapse of the former Yugoslavia, the article analyses the accompanying processes. The aim of this article is to study the spatial effects of long-term (forced) migration. The research is based on sociological methods and spatial analyses, i.e. statistical data, geospatial information and institutional document analysis. The analyses show social and spatial trends in migration and settlement formation in Serbia between 1991 and 2021.]]></description>
            <category>ARTICLE</category>
        </item>
    </channel>
</rss>